The Limits to US-India Defence Ties
Image Credit: US Navy

The Limits to US-India Defence Ties


Much has been written over the past decade about the promise of a transformed US-India strategic relationship, both globally and in Asia. From safeguarding the global commons and promoting the spread of democratic values, to preventing the domination of Asia by a single power, this partnership of ‘natural’ allies has been deemed indispensable for stability and prosperity in the 21st century.

There has, perhaps unsurprisingly, been much less written about the limits to such cooperation. Yet with US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton having passed through New Delhi last week following the second round of the annual US-India Strategic Dialogue—one of only a half-dozen such dialogues that the United States has—these limits appear to be kicking in, and forcefully.

In late April, despite personal lobbying by US President Barack Obama, New Delhi eliminated the top two US contenders from its shortlist of suppliers for the India Air Force’s fourth generation of advanced combat aircraft. With New Delhi’s preliminary design contract for co-development of a fifth-generation fighter recently signed with Moscow, the window for US-India collaboration here appears to have closed. In the same month, New Delhi also signalled its disinclination to upgrade the strategic dialogue to a joint 2+2 (foreign + defence ministers) format, as the United States has with Tokyo, in turn leading to postponement of the Strategic Dialogue. Attempts in May to revive the issue were met with firm objections, leaving the format stillborn.

Near-term disappointments aside, though, it’s the underlying differences in New Delhi’s strategic goals that have been the key obstacle to deepening the US-India defence relationship.

When bilateral defence cooperation was first envisioned in the early- to mid-2000s, a robust maritime component was viewed as the crown jewel in the burgeoning US-India strategic partnership. The US hope—if not expectation—was two-fold:

First, New Delhi would be Washington’s key security partner in the Indian Ocean region (IOR), increasingly joining with the US military in use of force planning to address regional contingencies. In other words, India would be the Japan of the IOR, just without the Japanese Constitution’s war renouncing Article 9. The 2005 bilateral Framework Defense Agreement lent credence to this belief, envisaging Indian collaboration in ‘multinational operations…of common interest’ ranging from humanitarian and disaster relief activities to Proliferation Security Initiative-style interdictions and perhaps even ‘coalition of the willing’ interventions that lacked an explicit UN mandate.

Second, as such collaboration was extended to ‘out-of-area’ operations, ranging from the Mediterranean to the Pacific, New Delhi was expected to participate in the soft maritime ‘containment’ of China. India’s dispatch of a temporary liaison officer to US Pacific Command headquarters in the wake of the 2004 Indian Ocean tsunami, its willingness to participate in trilateral naval exercises in the East China Sea and its hosting of wide-ranging multinational exercises in critical Indian Ocean waterways that serve as approaches to the Malacca Straits lent considerable weight to this belief.

On both counts, expectations weren’t borne out. A civil nuclear deal and endorsement of India’s Security Council aspirations notwithstanding, New Delhi appears unwilling to confront Beijing in any security format other than one strictly bilateral (Sino-Indian), nor countenance the degree of ‘jointness’ or interoperability in bilateral defence planning preferred by Washington. Indeed, at the very point defence interoperability assumes the trappings of quasi-informal military alignment, New Delhi tends to shrink back.

Almost a decade after its first broaching by Washington, New Delhi has yet to post a mid-level officer on a permanent basis to Pacific Command. Recent statements by India’s Ministry of Defence that it doesn’t seek such a relationship with US combatant commands, as well as its disallowing of all unsupervised contact between armed forces officials and foreign defence delegations, suggests a shrinking space for exchange of ideas at the military-to-military level with PACOM.

Despite being afforded an exceptional window on the operation of the US military’s CENTRIX battle group networking system during Malabar series exercises, New Delhi remains averse to signing a Memorandum of Agreement that would facilitate tactical communications system interoperability. Driven as much by concerns over intrusiveness, New Delhi has chosen to depend instead on Russia’s military-grade satellite navigational system, which is as yet only semi-operational. The fact that top-dollar purchases of US military transport and reconnaissance aircraft have had to be kitted with down-rated avionics suites hasn’t, it seems, changed New Delhi’s thinking.

Leery that navy-to-navy fuel transfer arrangements, as practised during the US-India Malabar series exercises, might set a precedent for reciprocal fuel-sharing requests during peacetime, or in the South China Sea and beyond, New Delhi has also stepped back from initialling a mutual Logistics Support Agreement.

Meanwhile, apprehensive that involvement of US carrier battle groups in the Malabar exercises, and the attendant shore leave for hundreds of US servicemen on Indian soil, might create demands for immunity protections, the exercises have been scaled down. And, following a bluntly-worded demarche by Beijing in 2007 in the wake of five-party war games hosted in the Bay of Bengal, the multinational component of these exercises has been shifted ‘out of area’ altogether—all ensuing Malabar exercises in the IOR have since been strictly US-India affairs.

Far from suggesting a willingness to extend Indian maritime security obligations beyond the IOR, as some have inferred the trilateral Malabar exercises in the East China Sea to be, it in fact reveals an Indian disinclination to be tied to a US and allied maritime strategy in its core Indian Ocean zone of interest. Practical arms-length collaboration, as opposed to integration, appears to be the ceiling to such bilateral defence cooperation.

December 13, 2011 at 13:32

True. If New Delhi were to distance itself from washington’s ploy to get it to align with America against China, it would at one stroke, demonstrate herself as a real independent sovereign country looking out for its own interest. It is pointless having ill-will and bad relations with a neighbour which will be around for a very very long time. More benefits can be derived with a good neighbourly relations. Imagine the synergistic economic spin-offs of a hearty and positive relationship. Both would stand to prosper unlike Washington’s intention which is to manipulate India to ultimately destroy herself, her people and her economy for the benefit of destroying America’s enemy or rather competitor in terms of economic power and military power. Hope India can see the forest despite the trees.

The advent of New Delhi not bending to Washington’s pressure to side with it has huge implications. It would immediately, the rise of Asia – or Eurasia if you like – and a loss of America’s influence on a global level which would be a game changer. This would be but a start of the unravelling of washington’s global domination. Thus, if New Delhi truly understands her big power potential, this one decision will see whether Washington continue to dominate the world even more, or less.

Personally, my personally philosoph is no one should be become too big or too powerful or too rich. Why do we need that kind of inequality and disparity for? Why should we have anyone to be too wealthy and dominant? We do not need “too big to fail”. America has become too big and too powerful. It would be good not to encourage it to continue that path; like big banks.

The ball now really, is in New Delhi’s court to determine the direction of the world in the 21st century – Do we go for a more prosperous and peaceful world or a tense unstable world continued to be dominated by Washinton.

Your call, Mrs Rajiv Gandhi and Mr. Mamohan Singh.

December 3, 2011 at 19:15

@ari dont involve religion its kind of tough to understand. Im not pro-US but am neither against it, if the US needs some assistance we will help em with what we can, maybe just maybe India will stand with US against China but against Russia in their dreams!!! Russians are very important to India than any other country.

November 29, 2011 at 23:57

If Washington continue it strategic moves to line up India against China, Russia and China should also strategically line up Iran against the U.S. Just as Washington doesn’t care two hoots about human rights or democracy in her strategy against China and Russia, it matters little insofar as Iran’s situation is concerned, if Moscow and Beijing needs to decide in their chess moves strategically against Washington. Because of Washington’s obsession with their strategy to outflank Moscow and Beijing at all times in any place on the face of this planet, the rest of the world is held to hostage by a belligerent U.S.. ANy question then why Washington is in truth, the Anti-Christ of the world?

November 26, 2011 at 17:08

With out india IS is nothing in Asia that’s the reason US wants india so badly besides india running to US US is running to india for support to funny how power shifts so fast and now india is even strong enough to go on a two front simotamius war against china and Pakistan all alone in no time india would b next super power

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