Eight women-only trains have hit the tracks in four of India’s urban centres—Delhi, Mumbai, Calcutta and Madras—in response to the growing concerns of female commuters who are being harassed by men. (See a photo slideshow) Although for some years now trains in India have reserved certain cars for women, men would often use them anyway, to avoid overcrowding in the regular compartments. The numbers of working women in the country, meanwhile, has doubled in the past 15 years.

Elsewhere in Asia, there have been similar efforts made to give women on public transportation choices that may increase their sense of safety and comfort. In the Philippines, the oldest and most crowded light rail system, the LRT, also has a special women-only carriage. Reportedly, Taiwan too now offers the service on selected cars of its public railway, while Nepal has some women-only bus services and South Korea has promised to introduce the service by next year.

But nowhere compares to Japan for its history and scale of women’s only train services. There are currently such cars operating on every train line in the capital city during peak commuting hours. And according to the Journal of Transportation History, the women-only car phenomenon has been around since 1912, when its purpose was to keep young schoolgirls out of the sight of male riders. The compartments disappeared in the late 1970s but again re-emerged in the early 2000s with increased crowding on trains and complaints of sexual harassment.

When Barack Obama visits Japan next month, one issue that’s bound to come up in discussions with recently elected Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama is the issue of the US military presence in Okinawa and, specifically, plans to relocate the US Marines Corps Air Station Futenma.

The Hatoyama administration, in part because it believes the overall current relocation plan for US forces is too pricey, wants to move the base outside Okinawa. As our Japan correspondent Takehiko Kambayashi points out, this would reverse a 2006 agreement between the Liberal Democratic Party-led administration and Washington.

He says Okinawa Gov. Hirokazu Nakaima told Seiji Maehara, state minister in charge of Okinawa affairs, that moving the air station off the island was the ‘best’ scenario but that it ‘isn’t easy from a practical viewpoint.’ The US presence on the island has been the source of tensions over the years, especially with the periodic reports of bad behaviour--or worse--by US servicemen.

Kambayashi explained to me exactly what Nakaima meant by ‘practical viewpoint’.

‘Okinawan leaders have grown accustomed to carrot-and-stick political manoeuvring. They’ve used the base issue to squeeze more money out of Tokyo, and an increasing number of plush facilities started to spring up in sparsely-populated northern Okinawa after a 1998 agreement between Tokyo and Washington to build a military facility in Nago, which will replace the air station.

‘Nago is awash with public projects, tax breaks and other financial infusions from Tokyo. About $50 million was spent in the city to put up three “intelligent buildings”--a multimedia center, the 1st Mirai Center and the 2nd Mirai Center. The city was also a site for the 2000 meeting of the Group of Eight industrialized countries.

‘The central government also spent $26 million on Kanna Thalasso Okinawa (pictured above) a luxurious spa, and $33 million to set up a data centre in the neighbouring village of Ginoza.’

This is all very well, but as Peter Mauch, a professor of international relations at Ritsumeikan University in Kyoto pointed out to me recently, the agreement with the US was one reached between two sovereign governments--the DPJ can’t make a habit of revisiting these kinds of issues.



It will be interesting to see how far Hatoyama is willing to go to recalibrate relations with what is still Japan’s main ally, and also still ultimate guarantor of its defence.

This week saw voting take place for three of India’s state assemblies-- Haryana, Maharashtra and Arunachal. The votes are the first major test for the two main parties since the ruling Congress Party trounced the BJP in a general election earlier this year.

I spoke with our India correspondent, Madhav Nalapat, about the polls, which he believes will end up returning the Congress Party to power in all three states when the results are announced next week. He said that despite the fact that Congress runs what he describes as ‘corrupt and dysfunctional’ governments in all three states, local circumstances, in addition to the BJP’s continued weaknesses, is going to keep it out of power.

“The Congress Party is being seen in Arunachal as best able to stand up to China (which claims the territory, to the horror of its religion-minded inhabitants), while there is a split in the opposition Shiv Sena in Maharashtra (where the nephew and the son of the founder of the party are slugging it out in most constituencies). Add in the uneasy relationship between the BJP and its presumed partner, the Indian National Lok Dal, in Haryana, and the stage seems set for a Congress romp.”

And he thinks inherent weaknesses with the Bhartiya Janta Party are going to hold it back further.

“Since the collapse of the party in the 2009 parliamentary polls, the BJP has in effect been rendered leaderless, with the top crust unable to inspire or activate the base. This thin layer comprises of those society ladies and gentlemen who have been the courtiers of choice by the BJP's ruling duo, A B Vajpayee and L K Advani, who with the help of their family and friends have run the party in all its avatars for half a century.”

He says Congress too is run by a small, dynastic group--the widow and two children of the slain former Prime Minister Rajiv Ratna Birjees Gandhi--but adds the difference is that dynastic politics has become second nature to the Congress rank and file.

And he doesn’t see things changing, at least for now.

“As the hangers-on of both these BJP leaders have gained substantially in financial terms during their stints in politics, there are limits to how much they can challenge Sonia Gandhi, who is known to be a keen student of the tactics of her mother-in-law, Indira Gandhi. The senior Mrs Gandhi used to toss dossiers at those who earned her ire, implicitly threatening exposure or worse. Given the almost total propensity of India's political class towards helping their friends and family, in practice this has meant a very muted opposition response to the numerous failures of the Sonia-led government, primarily its murderous and punitive taxation system and its corruption.”

Two weeks back, tropical storm Ketsana thrashed the Philippines, causing some of the worst floods there in 40 years and leaving upwards of 100 dead in its wake. In Japan last Thursday, meanwhile, more than 40 people were injured and 2 killed as Typhoon Melor raged over its mainland.

And the news seems even bleaker for Taiwan, with an AFP article (‘Global warming “to triple rain over Taiwan”’) stating that climate change ‘will cause the amount of heavy rain dumped on Taiwan to triple over the next 20 years.’

But setting these big future trends aside, one small but striking image from the Japanese coverage of the aftermath were the hundreds of damaged umbrellas littering the sidewalks and toppling out of overflowing public garbage bins in Tokyo. It seems ironic that nature will eventually be forced to suffer the environmental consequences of the extra trash resulting from the damage it wreaked.

Maybe Taiwanese consumers (and others for that matter) can at least alleviate some of this long-term impact from coming storms through the use of environmentally conscious umbrellas.

The Monsoon Vermont is an innovative brand that uses ‘non-recyclable plastic collected by scavengers from the streets, landfills and waterways of Jakarta’ to create its line of Trashion, including travel totes and umbrellas. The latter are each hand-made with a unique pattern.

There’s also the Brelli, which is simple and Eastern-influenced in its design. It’s 100% biodegradable and will, according to the company, ‘at the end of its long and useful life…leave nothing more than an excellent memory.’

Chinese investment overseas is making headlines again after Guinea’s junta yesterday announced a multi-billion dollar deal with a Chinese company was still going ahead, despite international criticism of its violent crackdown on unarmed demonstrators, which claimed dozens of lives.

If the deal does proceed, it would be a major boost for a recently installed military government that is seeking legitimacy. But it risks clashing with the tough position taken by a contact group that includes the African Union and United Nations, which has called for targeted sanctions.

For African governments, such deals can look like a win-win situation—rapidly growing China is desperate for resources that these nations are happy to supply. And Rwandan President Paul Kagame was half right when he warned this week that ‘a fundamental problem with development aid [is that it] leads to dependence, the desire of the giving countries to control the receiving countries’, though I think the latter half of that statement smacks of some of the paranoia that still haunts some former colonial powers on the continent.

But the subtext to this is that China’s assistance comes without the awkward strings attached that Western aid often comes with, strings that although in the short term may seem annoying and inconvenient often end up encouraging better governance, which has its own benefits for growth.

The risks of the lack of caution among some African leaders in embracing Chinese investment were laid bare earlier this year in a report based on 5 years of research by the African Labour Research Network Finland, which found that although government to government relations often prosper under these deals, the workers on the ground have been suffering from significant violations of working standards laid out by the International Labour Organisation.

And such reports also damage China’s efforts to develop its image as a responsible stakeholder. I’m not saying that free market approaches to lifting significant numbers of Africans out of poverty don’t work—they can and often do. But in their short term rush to embrace, Chinese and African leaders should think about the long term consequences for both of them.

Ahead of the upcoming UN climate summit, I thought I’d turn to some positive news from one participating country—Japan.

Among the sea of casual late-night dining spots (called ‘izakayas’) in Tokyo, there’s one chain that stands out for its philanthropic efforts. Those of us who have visited Japan may well have dined at (or at least caught sight of) a Watami restaurant. There are over 600 sprinkled around the country, and a Watami izakaya can be found at nearly every train stop in central Tokyo.

Watami Co. has announced the results of its ‘carbon off-set cocktail’ campaign that lasted for 10 days this summer. The result is: 30,180 glasses sold. And, with 1 kilogram of CO2 to be offset for each, the total carbon offset was 30 tons. The company has pledged to donate the profits to NPOs. It has also bought 15 tons of emissions credits from a wind power generation project in Argentina.

The 25-year old Watami Co. was started by CEO Miki Watanabe, who was just 24 years-old at the time. Since then, he’s expanded Watami from its original food and beverage line to other areas and industries such as nursing care and organic farming.

Watanabe was also named one of Forbes’ 48 Asian Altruists 2008, in part for launching his own NPO, School Aid Japan, in 2001 to build schools in Cambodia and Nepal ‘after (becoming) outraged by how another group doing similar work was misusing his contributions.’ The entrepreneur also donates royalties from his numerous books and lecture fees (for which he can fetch up to $18,500 an hour) to related causes, and he keeps a strict policy of tracing every yen sent from supporters.

Watami Group’s official slogan is ‘to receive the most number of thank-yous in the world’. To do this, it follows a 10-point code of conduct:

1.      Always be humble and grateful.

2.      Share the joys and sorrows of others.

3.      Keep promises and tell no lies.

4.      Make no complaints and spread no gossip.

5.      Greet with spirit and a smile.

6.      Never say never.

7.      Do not push failures onto others.

8.      Dare to say that can’t be done.

9.      Listen to others.

10.  Put away embarrassment.



What would happen if this was the official guideline for conduct for participants of the Copenhagen summit?

A string of deadly attacks by militants against Pakistani targets in the last few days, including an assault on the country’s army headquarters, has reignited concerns over the security of its nuclear weapons. AP has an interesting piece looking at the issue, including a useful reminder about the perils of overconfidence from Hans Kristensen, director of the Nuclear Information Project of the Federation of American Scientists.

“‘If a relatively small group of people is able to penetrate into their “Pentagon,” then it might show something about the overconfidence of the Pakistanis, and that is worrisome--it's surprising that they were able to go in there relatively simply,’ Kristensen said.”

The attacks have come as the Obama administration tries to find its feet at a time when a number of commentators are questioning some of the mixed signals the administration is putting out over its AfPak policy.

I asked our Pakistan correspondent for the view from Pakistan, and he’s also pretty damning about the oscillations on the US side.

“The recent shifts in US ‘AfPak’ policy have continued to provoke consternation here in Pakistan. The recently approved Kerry-Lugar Bill, which seeks to pump some $7.5 billion in non-military aid to Pakistan over the next 5 years, has been greeted with suspicion both among ordinary Pakistanis and the state. Although both the president and prime minister here lauded the bill, the army was much less sanguine, calling the conditionality attached to the funds a serious risk to national security. The aid is ostensibly aimed at ensuring that moneys given to Pakistan are used to develop the country and combat extremism.

“The army--and many Pakistanis too--feel that this is a form of Trojan horse designed to increase American encroachment into the geopolitical life of Pakistan. The word sovereignty has been bandied about a lot too--along with the almost daily missile strikes in the frontier border with Afghanistan, the question is the extent to which new money from the US will be linked to Pakistan’s own strategic national interests?

“Conditions attached to the aid include ensuring that the Army is not subverting the judiciary or the political process, and, perhaps most controversially, access to A.Q. Khan and other Pakistanis associated with the country’s nuclear weapons programme. There’s an understandable sense of concern in Pakistan about all of this. Why doesn’t the US condition aid to other allies with nuclear weapons, like Israel and India, with access to nationals involved in their respective programmes? And how can Pakistan be assured that the conditions are not triggered by the US because it wishes Pakistan to take a different policy tack than it currently is? The concern in Pakistan is that criticisms could be manufactured to suit the conditions attached to the aid so that Pakistan plays by the American song sheet.”

One of India’s leading commentators on its regional relations has an interesting piece out on Rediff.com, looking at recent tensions between India and China over the disputed border area that I mentioned last month.

I felt, and still do, that in these kinds of situation it’s easy for media speculation to take on a life of its own, and the Indian government should get credit for not risking an escalation through careless talk.

But Brahma Chellaney, professor of strategic studies at New Delhi’s Centre for Policy Research, believes the Indian government has crossed from judicious restraint to obstructionism in its dealings with the media, writing:

“If the threat from an increasingly assertive and ambitious China is to be contained, India must have an honest and open debate on its diplomatic and military options, including how gaps in its defences can be plugged and what it will take to build a credible deterrent.

“The media has a crucial role to play in such a debate, both by bringing out the facts and providing a platform for discussion. Still, New Delhi has sought to make its home media the scapegoat. Even more odd is that it has taken its cue from Beijing.”

In the meantime, though, India has had to turn its attention west, with the attack on its embassy in Kabul claiming at least 17 lives and injuring scores more. The attack has inevitably provoked speculation that the attack was part of a broader struggle on the subcontinent, with some pointing the finger at what they say is Pakistan’s indirect hand in the attack.

According to this report by Indo-Asian News Service:

“Ajai Sahni, an expert on terrorism, said the attack was planned well in advance to keep pressure on India to stay away from Afghanistan.

“The attack, he said, bore the hallmark of last year’s attack on the Indian embassy that was executed by the Haqqani group of the Taliban in close coordination with Pakistan’s Inter Services Intelligence (ISI).

“‘It’s been well-documented not only by Indian intelligence agencies but also by American intelligence agencies which found proof in the form of wireless intercepts between Taliban militants and their ISI handlers,’ Sahni told IANS.”

So, is this reasonable reporting or carelessly inflammatory? Sometimes it’s difficult to tell the difference. And sometimes there isn’t much.

Barack Obama’s decision not to personally meet the Dalai Lama at the White House this week is creating controversy, with many calling it an obvious move to pacify the Chinese government and ignore the plight of the Tibetan people.

But in a CNN interview, the Dalai Lama himself expressed no such disappointment, and was optimistic about a future meeting.

Meanwhile, there may be some good news on the horizon—at least for the Tibetan cause. Bollywood has been abuzz with news of an upcoming film that’s to begin shooting next month. The Lost Country will star American, Indian, Nepalese and local talent. And 20 of the actors in the film will be cast from the Tibetan Institute of Performing Arts. It will focus on the condition of Tibetan exiles around the world and their struggles with culture and identity.

The Lost Country is written and produced by an exiled Tibetan, Kargyur Rinpoche, who will also be directing. He says: ‘It took me more than 12 years to realise this film… I am hopeful that (it) will reflect the true picture of the plight of people of Tibet—both inside and outside the country.’

Rinpoche has recruited a professional Bollywood film crew from Mumbai and the film’s budget is set at $3 million, making it the most expensive Tibetan film ever made. According to the Indo-American News Service, about 140,000 Tibetans currently live in exile.

Expanding on my post earlier on North Korean art and its ‘cultural renaissance under Kim Jong-Il,’ –there also appears to be growing interest in DPRK art worldwide.

This summer a private collection of North Korean paintings was unveiled to the public at the Granite Room gallery in the US.  The exhibit, North Korea Art Exhibit, displayed works from some of ‘the most distinguished artists in North Korea’, with its organizer claiming this was the ‘the first of its kind’ in the United States.

In a nice philanthropic gesture, the show also donated 50% of its sales proceeds from the artwork to a program to feed orphans in the DPRK through soymilk factories.

Over in Beijing, a group of British, Chinese and Korean art specialists run The Pyongyang Art Studio where they have been dealing exclusively with fine art from North Korea since 1993. They describe the North Korean contemporary socialist realism art scene as, ‘highly developed in DPRK as it is part of daily life, mainly in the form of posters in streets, schools, cinemas, and official buildings.’ Their online gallery of paintings is interesting. The series of portraits of North Korean citizens performing an array of activities has one obvious thing in common—radiantly smiling faces.

Those who have seen the official photographs from meetings between Kim Jong-Il and visiting world leaders may have noticed a hard-to-miss mural serving as a backdrop. The Wall Street Journal recently used Bill Clinton’s visit as an opportunity for a closer look at this large painting of crashing waves and birds in an article ‘Why Dictators Love Kitsch.’ It says that: ‘This is no ordinary painting but art with a purpose…. The message of the painting… is a simple one: Kim Jong-Il’s regime as a force of nature.’