Finally, diplomacy has prevailed. After almost three weeks of standoff, India and China decided to maintain the status quo along their ill defined border and withdraw troops from their respective camps in the Daulat Beg Oldi area of Ladakh in eastern Kashmir. The agreement was reached after two weeks of intense parlays.

The agreement paves the way for Indian Foreign Minister Salman Khursheed’s visit to China, which commenced today, as well as the planned visit of Chinese premier Li Keqiang to New Delhi on May 20, his first foreign trip since assuming the role.

India has denied striking a deal with China on the withdrawal of troops from Ladakh. “The governments of India and China have agreed to restore status quo along Line of Actual Control (LAC) in Western Sector as it existed prior to April 15,” Ministry of External Affairs spokesperson Syed Akbaruddin told CNN-IBN. “Flag meetings have been held to work out modalities and to confirm the arrangements.”

The channel also quotes sources who said that the standoff stemmed from the failure of India and China to exchange maps of the western and eastern sectors of the LAC.

According to the Financial Times, New Delhi claimed that 30 Chinese troops, supported by helicopters, set up tents 19 kilometers inside territory it normally holds near the disputed border in Ladakh. In response, Indian forces surrounded the Chinese camp.

The incident at the undefined border created hysteria in the country with political parties and hawkish experts accusing the Congress-led government of going soft on China. Critics suggested that New Delhi had allowed its neighbor to gain a strategic advantage at the Kashmir border. Debates on television and commentary in newspapers urged the government to take a stand and use military intervention to push the Chinese back.

The crisis at the border came at a time when the government is facing hostile opposition on several domestic issues. To its credit, the government in New Delhi maintained its composure and withstood domestic pressure on the matter. This represents a departure from the recent tendency for domestic political pressure to virtually dictate New Delhi’s foreign policy.

For instance, India could not sign the Teesta Water Treaty with Bangladesh last year due to opposition from Mamata Banerjee of West Bengal, raising doubts in Bangladesh about India’s ability to stand by its ally. Domestic voices have also opposed the Constitution Amendment Bill that would ratify the land boundary agreement between India and Bangladesh.

Meanwhile, India’s relationship with Sri Lanka has been plagued by regional politics in the southern state of Tamil Nadu, where support from the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) regional party is important for the survival of Prime Minister Manmohan Singh’s government in New Delhi. DMK leaders have protested the Congress-led government’s stance on Sri Lanka’s alleged war crimes.

The Congress-led government voted in favour of the U.S.-sponsored UN Resolution, calling for Sri Lanka to address "continuing reports of violations of human rights" in the country, including threats to judicial independence and media intimidation. This vote has since strained India-Sri Lanka relations.

India’s ties with Pakistan have also been strained. The recent death of an Indian prisoner in a Pakistani jail has invoked nationalist sentiments in India against its western neighbor, prompting political opposition and the media to pressure the government to slowits push to increase contact and commerce with its neighbor.

Yet, all is not lost. While domestic politics and media pressure have taken a toll on diplomacy in many cases, the recent stand-down with China on the Ladakh border is an improvement and perhaps signals a diplomatic shift. Khursheed’s visit to China this week and Li’s upcoming visit to New Delhi will be telling.

As votes were being tallied in the south Indian state of Karnataka yesterday afternoon, it became increasingly clear that India’s ruling Congress Party was routing the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), which has ruled the state for the past five years.

Last night it was official: Of the 224 assembly seats up for grabs in the Karnataka elections, Congress won at least 121, a comfortable majority. The BJP, which formerly claimed Karnataka as its stronghold, secured a meager 40. Meanwhile, regional party Janata Dal (Secular), or JD (S), made large gains, matching the BJP with 40 seats. A list of key winners and losers can be seen here.

Of more than 41 million eligible voters in the state, 71 percent turned out to vote for more than 2,900 candidates. The desire for change resounded across the state, including the youthful capital city of Bangalore, an information technology powerhouse known as the “Silicon Valley of India.”

According to the BBC’s Soutik Biswas, the win represents a major blow to the Hindu nationalist BJP, which may portend disappointment in India’s general elections next year. “We have had a setback," conceded former Karnataka chief minister and BJP leader Sadananda Gowda. The BJP won 110 seats at the last Karnataka elections in 2008.

Handing in his resignation, the BJP's Jagadish Shettar said, "What image we lost earlier, that continued... Allegations against ministers, Chief Ministers were in the minds of the people."

Reactions from the other major parties were equally strong.

"The Bharatiya Janata Party's (BJP) rout in Karnataka is a clear result against (its) ideology,” added Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, who gave credit to his party’s vice president Rahul Gandhi for his role in the win. "The people of the country know what's what and they will reject the BJP ideology as the result in Karnataka shows."

Meanwhile, HD Kumaraswamy, JD(S) leader and former chief minister of Karnataka, vowed that his party will to "fight against Congress like we fought against BJP... We will sit in the Opposition." 

Throughout the election, allegations of corruption were hurled from both sides in Karnataka The BJP dispatched Nadrenda Modi, touted as the party’s potential prime ministerial candidate, to the state, while the Congress party sent Rahul Gandhi and other senior leaders, both to downplay accusations of graft and campaign in the state ahead of next year’s national polls.

Gandhi was credited with playing a major role in the win, but BJP leader Modi, chief minister of Gujarat, suffered a setback. “No one knows Narendra Modi outside Gujarat,” said Digvijay Singh, general secretary of Congress. “It has been proved again by Karnataka.”

Going a step further, Union Telecommunications Minister Kapil Sibal added, “It has been proved that he (Modi) is a big zero. He has no impact on the voters of Karnataka.”

The next step in the election process will be filling the chief minister’s post. Leading contender K Siddaramaiah said, "We are thankful to the people of Karnataka for giving a clear majority. We will give a corruption-free, stable, able government." Alongside Siddaramaiah, Mallikarjun Kharge and RV Deshpande are also considered candidates to watch in the race for the chief minister post.

While the victory is a strong indicator of forward momentum for Congress leading up to next year’s national polls, it is worth noting that the mandate also reflects a populace fed up with corruption and mismanagement. In light of this reality, some suggest that the party’s jubilant response could be premature. It is, after all, embroiled in an image crisis due to its “Coalgate” and “Railgate” scandals.

“Shouldn't Congress be worried by the Karnataka mandate?” asks a post in India Times. “Because hailing it as a sign that voters will punish corruption in governance, the Congress looks really silly as it struggles with multiple corruption scandals at the center.”

During his campaign ahead of state elections in Karnataka on 5 May, the Congress vice-president Rahul Gandhi accused the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) of “creating a world record” for corruption in the state. Gandhi’s statement was interesting since his own party, which leads the United Progressive Alliance (UPA) government at the federal level, also suffers from a crisis of credibility as it finds itself mired in a raft of corruption scandals.

Reports published by the country’s Comptroller and Auditor General in recent years have contended that the federal government’s allocation of coal blocks and its 2G telecom spectrum during its tenure has led to windfall profits worth billions of dollars for private firms. Still, Congress politicians hope that their strategy of raising the issue of corruption scams in Karnataka will blunt the BJP’s national offensive against Congress on graft-related issues.

Indeed, the most prominent case of graft in Karnataka came to light after a government-appointed committee headed by a former Supreme Court judge, Santosh Hedge, found in 2011 that senior BJP leaders in Karnataka, including then chief minister B.S. Yeddyurappa, systematically looted the state’s mineral wealth. The report estimated that the alleged mining racket cost more than U.S. $3.6 billion in lost government revenue between 2006 and 2010.

A campaign focused on graft seems to be bearing fruit as pollsters predict that a Congress win is likely in Karnataka. A defeat for the embattled BJP, plagued by infighting and grappling with a series of corruption scandals, would come as a huge morale booster to the Congress. An indication of the BJP’s sliding fortunes came during elections to Karnataka’s 207 urban local bodies (ULBs) in March 2013, when the Congress emerged as the largest party in 69 ULBs.

Despite predictions, elections to the 224-seat state legislature have been a three-pronged race between two national parties - the BJP and the Congress – and a third party, the state-based Janata Dal (Secular) or JD (S). Karnataka is the first of the three large states heading to polls this year, the other two being Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh.

Irrespective of the outcome, Karnataka serves as a key testing ground before the BJP and the Congress launch their national campaigns ahead of general elections in 2014. Besides Gandhi, who was elevated to the post of vice-president in January, the Congress dispatched other senior leaders like his mother and party chief Sonia Gandhi, as well as Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, to campaign in the state. For its part, the BJP sent Narendra Modi, the controversial chief minister of Gujarat, into the fold in Karnataka, in what will be a crucial test of his appeal in South India.

With its electoral battle dominated by the issue of graft, Karnataka could offer significant clues to the outcome of the 2014 general elections, ensuring that the poll results will be keenly watched.

In Pakistan, young musicians are using music to vocalize their thoughts on the charade that is Pakistani politics. Two bands in particular, Topi Drama and Beygairat Brigade, have recently released songs that touch on the current state of affairs in the country.

Topi Drama members Sohail Qureshi, Arafat Mazhar and Kenny Zeerick have released “Khoon” (translated as “Blood”), a song that confronts the recent spate of terrorist attacks and target killing incidents against Pakistan’s persecuted Shia community.

Then there are the princes of social satire in the local music scene, Beygairat Brigade, comprising members Ali Aftab Saeed, Daniyal Malik and Hamza Malik. After releasing their first single, “Aalu Anday” (translated as “Potato and Eggs”) in 2011, poking fun at the government, the band went on to release “Sab Paisey Ki Game Hai” (translated as “It’s all a Money Game”) and “Dhinak Dhinak” this year.

“Dhinak Dhinak” has created quite a stir. While the song is a catchy, fun little ditty on the one hand, the lyrics disparage the country’s military establishment on the other. Interestingly, the tune was released just two days after the arrest of the former president of Pakistan, Pervez Musharraf.

After being partially banned by the Pakistan Telecommunications Authority (PTA), Beygairat Brigade’s vocalist Ali Aftab Saeed told The Diplomat the song is “completely banned now.” Despite the ban, Saeed added that the ban “won’t stop us from making more music.”

When asked whether he was concerned for the band’s safety, Saeed said, “There’s a whole campaign running against us on internet; spreading false rumors and inciting hatred amongst people towards us. But there hasn't been any substantive threat as yet. We are very hopeful that Pakistan is now tolerant enough to digest alternate opinions and is willing to leave us unharmed to let us continue our work.”   

Arafat Mazhar, Topi Drama’s guitarist, agrees that Pakistani youths have become more socially conscious with the passage of time. “It seems that  youth are now more attuned to how factors like politics, power trips and intolerance influence their society,” the young musician said. “They perceive more clearly the very real consequences of living in a bubble. 17-year-olds are no longer just wrapped up in typical teenage concerns, but appear to have developed a wider social consciousness than I remember having at that age.”

Given this, does Mazhar think his band’s music can aid in the making his nation’s youth more proactive today? “It might or it might not. We don't really see music that way - especially our own music. All we care about is being authentic and being honest. Most of the time, this just happens to translate to an expression that is grounded in the socio-political realities of the country. Having said that, it is just that - an expression. We care more about the aesthetic of our content than we do about the moral righteousness and political correctness of it.”

From Saeed’s perspective, Pakistan’s youth are already proactive. “We are trying to give them an alternate opinion which they will hardly come across while listening to their regular, single-tracked television shows and reading agenda-based newspaper articles in their daily routine,” he said.

While Topi Drama and Beygairat Brigade  are making waves today, social commentary in music churned out by local bands isn’t an entirely new development. In the past, songs such as “Yeh Hum Naheen,” a collaborative effort by well-known Pakistani artists against terrorism, “No More” by Junoon, “Mein Tou Dekhoonga” by Strings, “Alvida” by Salman Ahmad, “Laga Reh” by Shehzad Roy, “Umeed-e-Sahar” by Laal, “Bum Phatta” by Ali Azmat, and many others have stirred the local music scene, prodding listeners to become more socially conscious of national issues and events. 

It is heartening to witness new Pakistani bands raise their voice in this way. Social satire in music may not bring about revolutionary change in Pakistan, but this new breed of socially conscious musicians is teaching young Pakistanis to think about the system and question the establishment. In so doing, these bands are nudging youth to form opinions of their own and be more proactive on pressing issues that need their urgent attention.

Sonya Rehman is a journalist based in Lahore, Pakistan. She can be reached at: sonjarehman@gmail.com.

Sulyman Qardash, a stylish young musician from Kabul, sits in the sprawling lawn of Esteqlal Lyceum, engaged in animated discussion with friends. The topic is an event planned for that evening, one that will bring to fruition a dream Qardash has been chasing since his teens. Because on this day, Qardash and his rock band, Kabul Dreams, would be releasing their first album.

This is more than just a personal victory for Qardash; it is a significant step for Afghanistan. Kabul Dreams are considered to be the first rock band to emerge in the nation following the Taliban’s rule, during which music was banned. The release of their album is a testament to the sweeping changes that have occurred since 2002, giving voice to Afghan youths and their hope for change.

Formed in 2008, the band was the idea of Sulyman, who studied music in Uzbekistan, where his family migrated after the Taliban took over Afghanistan in 1996. At a time when art and music were punishable offences in his homeland, the young Sulyman was exploring punk and grunge music in Tashkent. In 2008 he met Siddique Ahmed, a bass player, and Mujtaba Habibi, a drummer, and together they formed a band. Within a year they were ready to give their first international performance at India’s South Asian Bands Festival.

Each of the members of Kabul Dreams spent the Taliban era outside Afghanistan, with Ahmed living in Pakistan and Habibi in Iran. Coming from different ethnic groups – Uzbek, Tajik and Pashtu – their idea was not only to create a rock band but to work towards the idea of a united Afghanistan where all ethnic groups could live in harmony.

Initially, the fledgling band faced problems of resources and logistics, not to mention resistance from many who had never seen a rock performance in Kabul. Today, it represents a new generation of Afghans who see in the band a modern face of their country.

In 2011, Kabul Dreams organized the first street concert at Shar-E-Now, the capital’s main street. The performance took locals by surprise and the experiment generated publicity for the band.

Hossai, a 25-year-old Afghan girl working with an international aid agency in Kabul, came to the Esteqlal Lyceum to witness the album launch. “This is a great thing to happen in Afghanistan,” she told The Diplomat. “It will motivate young people. This is a sign of a positive change and I hope this will be sustained.”

Sulyman also believes that the ascent of Kabul Dreams is an important milestone for the war torn country. “Art can bring a huge change in our society,” he told The Diplomat. “You would be impressed by the energy and passion youth have towards music. You cannot solve the problems through force or war. Music helps people to understand the value of life and enjoy every minute of it.”

The young Afghans who gathered in the main auditorium of the French cultural center the evening of the album launch relished the performance, which was unlike anything Kabul had seen for long time. For an outsider like me it was a treat to see fans clapping, whistling and swaying to the beat.

But when the buzz wears off, will this become a regular phenomenon in Afghanistan? In particular, can this joy extend beyond 2014 when most foreign troops are scheduled to leave the country?

According to Sulyman, the outside world exaggerates this fear. They forget that the bulwark of modern Afghanistan is its educated, tech savvy youth. There is no way history is going to repeat itself,” he said. “Now people can differentiate between who is a real enemy and who is actually trying to build this country and wants to bring positive changes to their lives.”

Kabul Dreams are not the only voice representing the new generation either. The nation’s first female rapper, 23-year-old Soosan Firooz, made her debut with a song that speaks directly to other Afghans who have shared the painful experience of living in exile as refugees. Her lyrics narrate the agony of the past and hope for the future.

Some lyrics by Kabul Dreams also lament past tragedies, alongside criticizing present realities of corruption and mismanagement in Kabul. Yet, perhaps more importantly, the band also presents a vision of hope for the future.

Upon leaving the auditorium after the show and entering the streets of Kabul, you wonder which one is the real Afghanistan: The hopeful one that was on display at the Esteqlal Lyceum or the media’s vision of a place plagued with unending violence and uncertainty. This contradiction lies at the heart of modern Afghanistan.

But one thing is certain: A new country is gradually asserting itself and breaking free from the old.

They’re bright, they’re colorful and they carry messages of peace. Some 35 multi-colored rickshaws are whizzing around the thriving metropolis of Karachi, Pakistan, as part of an initiative by the youth-based NGO Pakistan Youth Alliance [PYA] to counter messages of hostility and fanaticism often splashed across the noisy little three-wheeled vehicles.

And PYA founder and Islamabad-based activist Syed Ali Abbas Zaidi says more rainbow-colored “ricks” are on the way. “We plan to make hundreds more,” Zaidi told The Diplomat. “And clone the Peace Rickshaw campaign in different cities of Pakistan.”

The campaign was initiated after Zaidi and his team began noticing many rickshaws “being used for hate-speech in different parts of Pakistan.” While many rickshaws in Pakistan are used as vehicles to advertise brands, religion, political parties, leaders and affiliations, it is a fact that Pakistani rickshaw and truck drivers take immense pride in their vehicles.

Colorful trucks and rickshaws painted in an array of bright, shimmery colors with gorgeous motifs and designs are common sights in Pakistan. However, the trucks take the cake. Given their size (compared to rickshaws), truck artists have a field day decorating each and every inch of their trucks with a variety of ethnic designs and patterns. These distinct colors, motifs and patterns encompass one of Pakistan’s most famed and admired popular art-forms: truck art.

“We aspired to re-own the romanticized art-form by promoting new designs and using them for peace-building messages,” said Zaidi, who added that the rickshaws haven’t been made from scratch. Instead, rickshaw drivers who volunteer to have their vehicles painted under the Peace Rickshaw campaign are paid a daily wage during the makeover stage, until the rickshaws are complete and road ready again.

“We’re not just decorating rickshaws,” Zaidi stressed. “We are involving communities during every phase of the project and delivering workshops to the youth on peace-building advocacy through rickshaw (and other) street artistic expression. Being on-ground activists for over five years now, I can safely say the project has created more impact than we thought it would. Everyone – from rickshaw drivers, and local artisans, to youth and onlookers – has given us positive feedback.”

On April 23, eight days after 25-30 soldiers of  China's People's Liberation Army (PLA) walked across an unguarded portion of the Line of Actual Control (LAC) between India and China in Ladakh, military delegations from both sides met again to try and resolve the standoff. But a four hour long meeting failed to break the deadlock, prolonging the latest flashpoint between the two nuclear armed powers.

China and India fought a brief but bitter war in 1962 over the non-demarcated border, but even half a century after that conflict ended the boundary dispute remains unresolved, leading to episodes like the current face off. 

Both sides have put in place several mechanisms to ensure that small incidents on the border do not get out of hand despite continued incursions and intrusions by both sides. In a break from the pattern, however, the Chinese troops have setup tents and stayed in position six miles inside Indian Territory for more than a week, posing a dilemma for Indian decision makers.

While neither Beijing nor New Delhi wants the current situation to escalate beyond the local level, domestic factors in both countries makes it difficult for the two governments to devise a solution that doesn't look like one side has conceded too much to the other.

So even as China demands that India stop developing militarily useful infrastructure on the border, it continues to stress it seeks a comprehensive strategic partnership with New Delhi. China’s “two track” approach could be seen in some quarters as a strategy to keep India engaged strategically while keeping it off balance tactically.

Since taking office President Xi Jinping has largely hewed to his predecessors’ five point formula for moving the India-China relationship forward. On the border issue, for instance, Xi has simply reiterated previous Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao's assertion that the resolution of the boundary problem is not easy and therefore the two sides must concentrate on other factors like the burgeoning bilateral trade believed to total US$100 billion. India, aware that its economic and military strength is still not on par with China, has often chosen to downplay or ignore Chinese provocations and instead peddle the line that there is enough room in Asia for both to rise simultaneously.

The latest flare up threatens to test both sides’ patience and resolve. Earlier this week, Syed Akbaruddin, spokesman for India's External Affairs Ministry, asked China to withdraw its troops and return to the status quo. His counterpart in Beijing, Hua Chunying, resorted to the usual rhetoric, stating "The two sides should work together to properly solve this issue left over from history through peaceful negotiations, so as to create good conditions for sound development of bilateral relations.”

The two conciliatory statements raised hopes that a resolution at the border would be forthcoming, but these were squashed when the Chinese military put forward two preconditions at the flag meeting with India’s military. As the meeting made clear, the Chinese military want India to agree to stop building outposts and logistics depots and conducting patrols near the perceived border, before its troops would retreat behind the border again. India is unlikely to accept these terms.

Eventually, both sides may craft a face saving compromise by agreeing to some of the points, but veteran China watchers in India say Beijing will use the latest episode to push for yet another bilateral mechanism for border management.

Jayadeva Ranade, a China specialist formerly with India's Research and Analysis Wing (RAW) says: "The present stand-off does not reflect any new policy, but is part of the standard Chinese patrolling policy along the borders including DBO. The Chinese will use this opportunity to revive a proposal put forward during Chinese Defence Minister Liang Guanglie's visit that to avoid such confrontations the troops at the borders should advise each other of their patrolling programmes/schedules."

Whatever the formula, Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh will have a lot to talk about when his new Chinese counterpart Premier Li Keqiang makes his first visit to India, expected to take place sometime in late May.

Nitin Gokhale is Defence & Strategic Affairs Editor with Indian broadcaster, NDTV 24×7.

An eight-story building housing garment factories collapsed on April 24 in the Bangladeshi capital Dhaka killing at least 260 people and injuring over 1,000 others. Reports indicate that over 2,000 people were in the Rana Plaza building on the outskirts of Dhaka when it collapsed. According to local news media, inspection teams had discovered cracks in the building earlier in the week, prompting several shops in the lower floors to close. However, garment factory owners reportedly ordered employees to work on April 24 despite the potential safety risks.

The collapse also comes merely months after a fire in November 2012 in Tazreen Fashions, another garment factory near Dhaka which left 117 workers dead and revived concerns about the local factory owners, officials and foreign brands’ commitment to safety standards. The garment factories in the Rana Plaza building were producing products for major European and North American brands such as Spanish brand Mango, low-cost British chain Primark and Canadian fashion brand Joe Fresh.

Following the incident, Primark issued a statement saying the company was "shocked and saddened" over the tragedy and confirmed that one of its suppliers "occupied the second floor" of the building. However, beyond expressions of regret, global brands have done little to ensure better safety standards.

Companies such as Walmart, which encountered criticism after the Tazreen Fashions fire last year, had contended that the factory was producing clothes without its authorization, shifting blame onto suppliers. Part of the problem stems from the practice of authorized suppliers subcontracting work to factories without the knowledge of global brands.  A number of such factories are housed in illegal buildings, which are fire-prone due to poor wiring and usually lack sufficient number of exits.

Labor rights groups such as Clean Clothes Campaign (CCC), which seeks to improve the working conditions of laborers in the global garments industry, argues that such incidents will continue until brands and government officials agree to an independent and binding fire and building safety program. 

The CCC has called on brands sourcing garments from Bangladesh to sign the Bangladesh Fire and Building Safety Agreement, which provides for independent building inspections, worker rights training, public disclosure and review of safety standards. Furthermore, according to the Financial Times, the International Labor Organization seeks to replicate a program that has been successful in improving factory conditions in Vietnam, but Dhaka’s reluctance to acknowledge trade union rights has been a stumbling block. As it is, the country’s 3.6 million garment workers are among the lowest paid in the world and without a comprehensive safety review, Bangladesh's booming garment industry could see its global reputation founder.

According to a November 2011 McKinsey report, garment exports were valued at US$15 billion in 2010, accounting for 75 percent of Bangladesh’s overall exports and 13 percent of the country’s GDP. 

A potential cut back in garments imports from Bangladesh by global brands under pressure from human and labor rights groups could devastate the country’s economy. To avert this, Bangladesh would do well to review the safety standards for its garments industry and introduce a more rigorous monitoring mechanism to ensure compliance.

In Afghan society today there is a palpable sense of frustration about the state of the country and Pakistan’s role. In particular, Afghans resent their neighbor’s build up at the Durand Line, the border that Afghanistan has never accepted. Kabul claims Pakistan’s construction of checkpoints at the edge of the Goshta District of eastern Nangarhar Province are an incursion into its territory.

However, Afghans are more upset over what they claim to be Islamabad’s obstructive role in the peace process. The prevailing view in Afghanistan is that Pakistan is playing a destabilizing role in the country. According to this view, the peace process with the Taliban has failed to make headway as a result.

During a recent debate in Afghanistan’s senate, Deputy Foreign Minister Jawed Ludin came down heavily on Islamabad, saying that Pakistan represents the greatest threat to security in Afghanistan, and has sent conflicting messages during its talks with the government of Afghanistan.

Cynicism prevails in Kabul over the Brussels talk that the U.S. has organized in the hope of reconciling differences between Afghanistan and Pakistan. On Wednesday, U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry hosted a meeting that brought Afghan President Hamid Karzai together with Pakistan army chief general Ashfaq Kayani and senior Foreign Ministry official Jalil Jilani, with the ultimate aim of bringing the Taliban to the negotiating table.

Afghan foreign ministry spokesman Janan Mosazai was quoted by the Guardian as saying, "Unfortunately Pakistan today is changing the goalposts on its support for the peace process once again. Pakistan somehow decided now to put down certain preconditions for its support for the peace process which are completely unacceptable to Afghanistan and to any other independent country."

According to the article, the establishment in Islamabad wants Kabul to sever ties with India, send its army officers to Pakistan for training and sign a strategic partnership deal.

Some have claimed that the goal is to give Taliban members based in Pakistan a greater say in the peace talks. Abdul Hakim Mujahid, a member of Afghanistan's High Peace Council, denounces the idea.

The Council was set up three years ago to initiate the peace process with insurgent groups. Mujahid, who was the former Taliban government’s ambassador to the UN, told The Diplomat, “There is no doubt that the Taliban movement in Afghanistan has its own agenda with the national interest in mind. Taliban (members) in Pakistan have their own agenda in their own country. So they are totally different. We are working for peace and reconciliation – not with the Taliban movement in Pakistan but with the Taliban movement in Afghanistan.”

He added, however, that he “hopes Pakistan will remain faithful to its promise of supporting the peace process.”

But Afghans are leery of trusting their neighbor.

“Tell me when Pakistan has thought about Afghanistan’s welfare,” Fathullah Naimzai, an educator in Kabul, told The Diplomat. “They have always thrived on destabilizing us and Pakistan’s intention is quite suspect. Had Pakistan not interfered in our country’s affairs we could have been really a peaceful country.”

Reports in Afghan newspapers also reflect the collective sense of helplessness surrounding efforts to engage Pakistan in Brussels. According to a report in Daily Outlook Afghanistan, the current atmosphere and accusations are not conducive to a positive outcome in Brussels.

When the High Peace Council came into existence there was a modicum of hope that the peace process would gain traction and help to stabilize Afghanistan following the withdrawal of foreign troops. In light of recent events, however, this hope looks increasingly forlorn.

From current affairs to social issues and human interest stories, Pakistani journalist Kiran Nazish has written for Al Jazeera, Foreign Policy, Forbes  and a host of other local and foreign publications on hard-hitting socio-political issues and poignant stories of those affected by war.

In an interview with The Diplomat, Nazish speaks about the challenges of being a female journalist in Pakistan, and reporting on sensitive issues in a country that has been called “the most dangerous for journalists.”

You recently traveled to Peshawar to report on the deplorable state of the internally displaced persons (IDPs) living in the Jalozai camp. As a journalist, how important is empathy and compassion when interviewing those affected by war and tragedy?

Empathy and compassion are imperative for journalists to nurture. If you are reporting about victims of war, ethnic violence or displacement – such as the IDPs – and you are not compassionate, you are missing the whole point.

The absence of empathy and compassion will also paralyze your reporting and you will never get to hear the complete story and hence never get to tell the complete truth. Often when I interview people who have been affected by war and tragedy, they complain about how journalists come to them and ask brutal, insensitive questions and take photos of them without their permission. They feel used and deceived. That is absolutely unethical and undermining.

Do not doubt me when I say, I have learnt the greatest lessons of courage and wisdom from invisible people we often ignore thinking they are dumb and poor and weak, because they are victims. Trust me, they are smart, and they know a lot about the world.

I understand that you’re currently traveling for work. What story are you working on?

I'm currently working on a story about Veeru Kohli, a bonded laborer in interior Sindh who was freed with the help of an NGO in Hyderabad called Green Rural Development Organization (GRDO). She is standing for elections now against established, powerful and rich feudals who have been threatening her and her supporters.

Kohli now lives in a place called Azad Nagar with two beds, five mattresses, cooking pots and a bank account with life savings of Rs. 2,800 (approx $27). Wanting to interview her took me to Azad Nagar in the outskirts of Hyderabad, where I met dozens of landless Haris [members of the scheduled Hindu caste] and farmers who had been freed either by Kohli's activism or by GRDO.

They all had gathered to greet me at the arrival, and complained about the media ignoring them (save news reports of Kohli standing for elections) and not supporting them when powerful politicians threatened their lives.

I hope to help them by writing about their stories, the strength that they show by standing with each other between threats on their lives and hefty offers of bribes. These are the people who change the fate of a nation: the poor, the dignified and the powerful.