The Pulse

India’s Ocean Ambitions: Can Bold Promises Become Reality?

Recent Features

The Pulse | Environment | South Asia

India’s Ocean Ambitions: Can Bold Promises Become Reality?

At the U.N. Ocean Conference, India signaled that it intends to be a proactive player in shaping the ocean’s future. Will that ambition result in concrete actions? 

India’s Ocean Ambitions: Can Bold Promises Become Reality?

India’s Minister for Science and Technology Dr. Jitendra Singh speaks at the U.N. Ocean Conference in Nice, France, Jun. 10, 2025.

Credit: X/ DrJitendraSingh

India cast itself as a champion of the world’s oceans at the United Nations Ocean Conference in Nice, France. From June 9-13, global leaders convened to spur action on Sustainable Development Goal 14 (Life Below Water), and India’s delegation on June 10 was actively engaged. Union Minister Dr. Jitendra Singh pushed for India’s “multi-pronged ocean strategy” and unveiled significant strides in the blue economy. With references to $80 billion worth of blue economy projects, a nationwide plastic ban, new marine technologies, and fresh commitments on climate and biodiversity, India signaled that it intends to be a proactive player in shaping the ocean’s future. However, the question is whether ambition can be galvanized into concrete actions.

Blue Economy

India’s intervention in the conference relied on the blue economy – the idea that sustainable use of ocean resources can drive economic growth and improve livelihoods. This is not a new development: India’s Vision 2030 identified the blue economy as one of the ten core pillars of national growth. With 7,517 kilometers of coastline and a third of its population in coastal areas, India has a massive stake in ocean health. 

At Nice, Singh showcased over $80 billion in ongoing maritime projects, from port modernization under the SagarMala program to fisheries enhancements through the Pradhan Mantri Matsya Sampada Yojana (PMMSY). This initiative also boosts jobs as India reported a 10 percent rise in fish production and over 1,000 new fish-farmer organizations since the last U.N. Ocean Conference in 2022. Such statistics bolster India’s claim that economic development and ocean stewardship can go hand in hand.

Nevertheless, despite having pushed for a blue economy, this approach invites scrutiny. SagarMala’s port-led development may boost trade, but port expansion and dredging can damage coastal ecosystems and displace communities. Intensive fishing growth risks straining fish stocks if not managed sustainably. Considering this, India pushes for balance by emphasizing inclusive and science-based approaches. The ocean data portal “SAHAV,” launched by India, is a tangible step in this direction. It is a GIS-based tool that shares real-time spatial data for more innovative marine planning. SAHAV could help align economic use with conservation. 

Ultimately, India’s blue economy vision will be judged by its outcome: will coastal infrastructure projects integrate nature-based solutions? Will small fisherfolk benefit alongside big industries? India’s Nice delegation ticked the right boxes, but now it must ensure that blue growth doesn’t become a zero-sum game of economy vs ecology. 

Climate Commitments

India’s rhetoric also extended to climate action and marine biodiversity, signaling that the ocean is a global issue. As Singh said, “The ocean is our shared heritage and responsibility.” He highlighted how India has woven ocean-based actions into its national climate commitments, recognizing the ocean’s role in regulating climate and buffering disasters. For example, India has restored over 10,000 hectares of mangroves – natural carbon sinks and storm shields – and is implementing coastal shoreline management using nature-based solutions. These efforts support updated Paris Agreement pledges, demonstrating an awareness that protecting “blue carbon” ecosystems like mangroves and seagrasses is key to climate mitigation and adaptation.

On the biodiversity front, India used the Nice platforms to endorse the brand new High Seas Treaty – Biodiversity Beyond National Jurisdiction (BBNJ) Agreement. This agreement, agreed in 2023, aims to protect marine life in the 60 percent of the ocean that lies beyond the control of any state. India urged the international community to ratify the treaty, which requires 60 countries to ratify it to enter into force. French President Emmanuel Macron suggested the treaty could take effect by January 2026, given the accelerating ratifications. India’s support here is noteworthy. Unlike some major powers – such as the United States, which is not ratifying and will not be bound by the treaty – India is aligning with a growing global consensus to treat the high seas as a commons that needs guarding.

India has also called for expanding its Marine Protected Areas, now covering 6.6 percent of its Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ). That contributes to global biodiversity goals, but also needs to be put into perspective. The world agreed in Montreal in 2022 to protect 30 percent of the planet’s land and oceans by 2030, yet only about 8 percent of marine areas are under protection. India’s 6.6 percent is below the global average and far from the 30 percent target. There were many calls for bolder conservation goals, such as Chile’s commitment to expanding marine protected areas in Rapa Nui and Juan Fernández. Denmark noted that it had reached 6 percent strictly protected areas and urged a moratorium on deep-sea mining. 

By comparison, India’s focus was on exploration and innovation. Its Deep Ocean Mission, with the upcoming “Samudrayaan” project – a manned submersible to plumb 6000m depths by 2026 – was lauded for scientific capability. India also proposed a “global ocean pact” for deep-sea exploration. But the question is: what kind of pact should it be? Some countries in Nice advocated for a moratorium on deep-sea mining before it starts, prioritizing fragile ecosystems over the resource rush. India must clarify whether its quest for ocean data and minerals will heed those environmental red lines. 

Promises vs. Actions

Critics might debate whether India’s Nice commitments are new or simply repackaged domestic policies. For instance, the nationwide ban on certain single-use plastics was instituted in 2022, yet plastic pollution remains rampant in India’s rivers and coastlines due to an implementation gap, weak enforcement, and industry pushback. Despite awareness campaigns and clean-ups, India admitted that marine plastic pollution “remains a challenge.” India’s “Swachh Sagar, Surakshit Sagar” coastal clean-up drive has removed 50,000-plus tonnes of trash from 1,000 km of shoreline since 2022. These numbers are impressive. Nevertheless, the fact that 11 million metric tonnes of plastic are flowing into oceans globally demands more collective action by every nation. Indeed, India is pushing for an upstream solution by focusing on the legally binding Global Plastics Treaty in Nice. 

On the geopolitical dimension side, India has positioned itself as a voice of the Global South. Many Small Island Developing States (SIDS), such as Mauritius and the Maldives, have pleaded for ocean action as a matter of survival. India, with its vast Indian Ocean frontage, backed the proposed “Nice Ocean Action Plan,” which is essentially a framework to implement the promises made at the conference. It includes more financial resources, technology transfer, and capacity building for developing countries. This comes with the fact that SDG 14 is the most underfunded of all global goals; only $30 billion has been mobilized for it since 2010, versus the $175 billion per year needed. India should develop creative solutions to the funding gap, perhaps through groupings like the G-20 or South-South cooperation. 

As Antigua and Barbuda’s delegate bluntly put it, a country like theirs needs support and investment for access to science and resources, and to protect the ocean that they depend upon. We need to see how the world responds to this plea from developing countries, and India’s role could be crucial here.

Conclusion 

In the end, the real test of India’s ocean leadership will be results rather than rhetoric. In sum, India must convert its conference rhetoric into measurable outcomes to lead. To lead it should expand its EEZ’s marine protected areas from the current 6.6  percent to at least 30 percent by 2030 – prioritizing fully protected no-take zones. Also, India has pledged to support various fronts, and now it should ratify the High Seas (BBNJ) Treaty without delay. Oceans are in crisis, and multilateralism is being played by the hands of great powers, but moments like the U.N. Ocean Conference offer a glimmer of hope in the form of political will. Geopolitically, it will be a test-case scenario for the nation as it navigates and is challenged to be a formidable voice of the Global South from advanced players like China. The climate crisis is looming, and oceans are one of the worst-affected areas, and there are increasing calls from the island nations, who may or may not have adequate resources to mitigate such issues. The momentum India built during its G20 presidency can be spilt to these areas, and it can work with like-minded partners of island nations, and technologically advanced players like the European Union to achieve the funding goals and put in place an adequate institutional mechanism to mitigate the coming crises. 

Authors
Guest Author

Sidhyendra Sisodia

Sidhyendra Sisodia is a research scholar at Malaviya Centre for Peace Research, Banaras Hindu University, India. His research focuses on the security of the Indian Ocean Region and growing power competition in the region.

Guest Author

Harsh Pandey

Harsh Pandey is a doctoral candidate at the Centre for European Studies, School of International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University. His research focuses on nationalism and identity issues in India and South Asia. He also works on the foreign policy of India and the European Union. 

Tags