Hong Kong’s League of Social Democrats (LSD) party announced its decision to disband on June 29, citing “immense political pressure” from Beijing. There was no public protest, no police intervention, no courtroom drama. But the implications are serious and far-reaching.
In the span of five years, the city’s opposition has been steadily and deliberately dismantled. Laws have been rewritten, activists jailed, accounts frozen, and spaces for dissent shut down. As Hong Kong’s last lawful pro-democracy group, the LSD was known for its protests, defense of civil liberties, and push for social equity. Its departure has brought an era of public dissent to a close.
Established in 2006, the League of Social Democrats became one of the rare political groups in Hong Kong to openly challenge both the Hong Kong government and Beijing’s growing presence in the city’s affairs. While other groups adopted more moderate strategies, the LSD remained openly confrontational. This stance often drew political and legal consequences. Its founder Leung Kwok-hung, commonly known as Long Hair, is currently serving time under the National Security Law. Jimmy Sham, another central figure, was detained in 2021 for allegedly plotting to subvert state power. He was released in April 2025 after nearly four years in custody, although proceedings against the wider group are still underway. With repeated warnings to disband from Beijing, more members were barred from running for office or pressured to flee.
Even with its ranks shrinking, the LSD maintained a visible presence. It continued to participate in protests, spoke out on political arrests, and worked to preserve space for public expression as the authorities cracked down on dissent.
Since the enactment of the National Security Law in June 2020, authorities have arrested more than 330 individuals and convicted more than 160 under its provisions. The most high-profile case involved the arrest of 47 pro-democracy figures who participated in unofficial primary elections in 2020. Authorities described their effort to coordinate electoral strategy as a national security threat. Many of those arrested were elected district councilors. Several individuals have been held in custody for extended periods without trial, while others were convicted in 2024 and sentenced to prison terms ranging from three to ten years.
The crackdown has extended beyond political parties. In August 2020, media tycoon Jimmy Lai was arrested at his home, and his newspaper, Apple Daily, was raided by over 200 police officers. Within a year, Apple Daily shut down, its journalists faced prosecution, and its assets were frozen by authorities. Stand News, another prominent outlet, shut down in December 2021 after a police raid led to multiple arrests. The Civic Party, alongside the LSD, was one of Hong Kong’s largest traditional opposition parties. It disbanded in 2023 after facing mounting political pressure and disqualification of its members from elections. By late 2024, not a single active pro-democracy organization remained, except the LSD.
Hong Kong’s legislature no longer includes political opposition. Electoral reforms imposed by Beijing in 2021 introduced a vetting mechanism that ensures only “patriots” can run for office. The number of directly elected seats was reduced to 20 out of 90, with all candidates screened by a pro-Beijing committee, leaving no space for dissent. In 2022, John Lee, a former security chief who led the crackdown on the 2019 pro-democracy protests, became Hong Kong’s chief executive. He was chosen in an uncontested vote by a 1,461-member committee made up largely of Beijing loyalists, highlighting the city’s new political order.
Judicial independence has also narrowed in scope. Judges appointed by the chief executive preside over national security cases. Proceedings are often closed to the public, and bail is rarely granted. According to government figures, over 90 percent of defendants charged under the National Security Law have been denied bail, a sharp reversal of long-standing legal norms in the city.
The institutional redesign also extends into education and the civil service. From 2021, civil servants must take loyalty oaths affirming their allegiance to the government and the Basic Law. Teachers have been dismissed for holding critical views or for allegedly failing to promote “correct” national values. A new curriculum promotes patriotism in schools, while universities have purged books by pro-democracy scholars. Memorials commemorating the 1989 Tiananmen Square crackdown have been dismantled, and public commemorations are now banned.
The international response has been measured. Governments including the United States and the United Kingdom have issued sanctions targeting specific officials and voiced concern over the erosion of civil liberties. However, these actions have had a limited impact on policy outcomes. The Chinese central government has framed developments in Hong Kong as matters of domestic governance, placing them largely beyond the reach of external influence. As a result, the “One Country, Two Systems” model appears to have undergone a significant transformation in both tone and substance.
Many former activists now contribute from abroad or engage in more discreet forms of civic involvement within the city. Public protests have faded, replaced by private acts of remembrance and reflection. Political dialogue continues through informal gatherings, digital spaces, and creative expression. The 2019 mass protests are no longer publicly acknowledged, and commemorating them carries legal risk.
In its final statement, the LSD called on Hong Kong residents to uphold their values “in their own ways.” That message reflects a shift in political expression, less visible but still present. While traditional activism has faded, core democratic ideals endure in private and informal spaces. The LSD’s closure marks more than the end of one group; it signals a broader transformation of civic life. Open debate may have receded, but the memory of those ideals remains, carried forward by those committed to remembering.