Typhoon Haiyan and the Philippine Military
A Philippine Air Force crew drops a box containing energy biscuits to Typhoon Haiyan survivors.
Image Credit: REUTERS/Erik De Castro

Typhoon Haiyan and the Philippine Military


The disaster inflicted by Typhoon Haiyan (known as Typhoon Yolanda in the Philippines) has the potential to significantly shape the development path taken by the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP). Like its counterparts in other countries, the AFP is tasked with the missions of both external defense and humanitarian aid and disaster relief (HADR), in addition to its counterinsurgency operations. However, with long-term underinvestment caused by economic constraints, domestic politics, insurgency, and an over-reliance on the U.S., the Philippine Air Force (PAF) and the Philippine Navy (PN) have struggled to maintain their limited number of aging assets, which are unable to successfully carry out either external defense or HADR. The PAF has been without a fighter jet since 2005 and the PN, with vessels of World War II vintage, has severe difficulty defending the extensive territorial waters of the Philippines, as evidenced in recent disputes with China and Taiwan.

When it comes to disaster relief, despite the AFP’s extensive experience in responding to frequent earthquakes and typhoons, its lack of capacity for airlift and sea transport limits its humanitarian capabilities in the archipelagic environment. With just three C-130 transporters, a limited number of utility helicopters and a few landing and logistic vessels, Manila is unlikely to be able to deliver satisfactory quantities of materials and other aid to one or more affected areas among the 7100 islands of the Philippines.

Incompatible Approaches: External Defense and HADR

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Thanks to economic growth and territorial challenges from other countries, Manila took a major step toward military modernization with 24 projects this year. These projects imply policymaker concerns about external defense and HADR missions. As the 12 Korean F/A 50 light fighters, two frigates, radar surveillance system, and long-range patrol aircraft are designed to strengthen external defense, amphibious vehicles, multi-purpose assault craft, helicopters and service support ships are geared towards HADR. Unfortunately, given the scale of those projects, either external defense or HADR will not be substantially satisfied and further investment is needed.

Generally, equipment for external defense is distinct from that for HADR. With the exception of a few capabilities such as reconnaissance, most weapons systems for external defense such as fighter aircraft do not have the capacity to deliver material and personnel. Meanwhile, vehicles and platforms for HADR, such as amphibious vessels, lack the firepower and mobility to counter external threats. The Philippines’ strategic environment makes this distinction more obvious. In the face of China’s rising maritime forces and clear intentions, any credible defense capability for the Philippines would be reliant on a sea denial strategy, similar as Vietnam has worked on in recent years. Compared to weapon systems for sea control strategy, such as frigates, which have some HADR capacity, most sea denial assets such as missile boats and submarines have no value for HADR because of their limited size. In other words, in looking at military modernization, the two approaches –  external defense and HADR – are not compatible and are thus mutually exclusive.

HADR Oriented

Typhoon Haiyan has laid bare the AFP’s insufficient capacity and could well determine its military modernization toward HADR. There are several reasons for this. Geographically, the Philippines usually experiences about 20 typhoons and a number of earthquakes each year. That makes HADR operation much more likely than an armed conflict with a foreign country.

Politically, this devastating disaster provides politicians with a good opportunity to boost popularity, sometime that is crucial in Filipino politics. Since voters are likely more worried about natural disasters occurring nearby than about a remote territorial dispute in the Kalayaan Island Group or some other location, political elites may well be motivated to allocate a greater portion of defense investment in HADR. For example, Senator Nancy Binay has argued that funds for F/A-50 light fighters should be shifted to strengthen civil defense.

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