In Myanmar, the military has adeptly employed Buddhism as a tool for leveraging its political power. This practice can be described as “Saffron Washing,” a nod to the concept of “greenwashing,” where entities falsely present themselves as environmentally friendly. This article explores how Myanmar’s military has strategically used Buddhism to legitimize its rule and maintain control while also examining the broader implications of this manipulation.
Before diving into the details, it is essential to revisit the nation’s history and understand its deep connection with the growth of Buddhism. Various Burmese dynasties utilized Buddhism to solidify their political power. According to historical records, Buddhism arrived in Burma (Myanmar) in the late 11th century and was patronized by the monarchy. King Anawrahta utilized Buddhism as the cornerstone to consolidate his political power and establish the Pagan dynasty of Burma (849-1297 CE). Since then, Buddhism has become the primary religion.
Under the reign of King Bayinnaung, the second Burmese dynasty – the Toungoo dynasty (1510-1752 CE) – grew to become one of the largest and wealthiest of its time. As a devoted patron of Buddhism, King Bayinnaung constructed numerous pagodas and donated generously to monasteries.
The final ruling dynasty of Burma was founded by King Alaungpaya in 1752 and endured until 1885, when the British Empire annexed Burma. King Alaungpaya is also recognized as the first Burmese monarch to deliberately manipulate ethnic identity as a strategy for achieving military and political dominance.
In 1871, King Mindon, the penultimate monarch of Burma, convened the Fifth Buddhist Council to revise and purify the Pāli scriptures. This marked the first Buddhist council in modern history after a gap of 1,700 years, and it was the first time the Burmese had organized such an event. As a result, the growth of Buddhism has been closely tied to political events in Burma, today known as Myanmar, throughout history.
Burma regained its independence from the British Empire in 1948, and the country’s first prime minister, U Nu, a nationalist and a devoted Buddhist, called for the Sixth Buddhist Council in 1954. Burma is the only nation in modern Buddhist history to have convened two Buddhist councils in a century.
In 1961, U Nu enacted The State Religion Act, officially declaring Buddhism as the state religion and formalizing the government’s role as a patron of the faith. This move sparked unrest among non-Buddhist minorities, a tension that Gen. Ne Win later exploited to justify the military coup of 1962.
Many Buddhist Burmese citizens initially supported the coup, believing the military would be more capable of handling the country’s issues with ethnic minorities. However, one of Ne Win’s regime’s initial actions was to target non-Buddhist minority businesses through the nationalization of the economy. As a result, many ethnic Chinese and Indian became penniless refugees overnight and were forced to flee to countries like China, India, and Singapore.
Ne Win’s regime also introduced the 1982 Citizenship Law and restricted automatic “full” citizenship to children born to parents identified as an “indigenous” race. Ethnic groups such as those of Chinese descent and Burmese Muslims faced additional bureaucratic obstacles. For instance, the law left many Rohingya from Arakan State without citizenship or proper documentation.
The 1962 coup profoundly impacted Burmese society, leading to long-term authoritarian rule and economic decline. The military has been the most powerful institution in Myanmar ever since, ruling the country for decades through various forms, including direct military regimes and a so-called socialist government. And throughout, it has manipulated Burma’s Buddhist heritage for its own political purposes.
In the country, officially renamed Myanmar in 1989, Gen. Than Shwe’s regime (1992-2011) continued to oppress minority ethnic and religious groups. The military targeted and incited violence between Buddhists and other communities. One notable incident occurred in 2001, when Buddhist monks demanded the destruction of the ancient Hantha Mosque in Taungoo city in retaliation for the Taliban’s destruction of the Bamiyan Buddhas in Afghanistan, resulting in the damage and destruction of Muslim homes, shops, and mosques.
In 2007, the military government encountered an unexpected challenge from Buddhist monks. This was the Saffron Revolution, sparked by the government’s decision to raise oil and gas prices, which significantly worsened the Burmese people’s economic plight. The military’s brutal response to these protests, targeting the monks directly, was visible to the Burmese public. This harsh crackdown on the Sangha, the Buddhist monastic order, eroded the government’s legitimacy in the eyes of many.
To ease the anger of the Buddhist majority and international pressures, especially in the aftermath of Cyclone Nargis, which had killed over a million people, the Than Shwe regime ratified the 2008 Constitution. The regime then organized a general election in 2010 under this new constitution, which led to power being handed over to an elected government led by a former military general. However, the election faced significant criticism over its transparency.
After the National League for Democracy (NLD) secured a landslide victory in the 2012 by-election, the Myanmar military once again turned to Buddhism for political gain, backing extremist nationalist monks like Wirathu – dubbed “The Face of Buddhist Terror” by Time Magazine – and the 969 Movement. This campaign specifically targeted the Rohingya, portraying the ethnic minority group as invaders and illegal immigrants. The military set a political trap for NLD founder Aung San Suu Kyi; if she defended the Rohingya, it would weaken her influence among the majority Buddhist population.
In 2013, the military instigated further violence, sparking riots in Meiktila, the constituency of key NLD leader Win Htein. These attacks targeted the local Muslim community, destroying mosques and homes and causing the deaths of many Muslims. The military’s strategy aimed to inflame religious tensions, undermining Aung San Suu Kyi’s growing political dominance while maintaining its image as the defender of Buddhism.
In the 2015 general election, the NLD excluded all Muslim candidates from representing the party, citing concerns over the growing anti-Muslim sentiment in the country. In 2017, after the NLD government had won the general election, the military carried out a brutal campaign against the Rohingya, leading to what many have called the Rohingya genocide. Fearful of backlash at home, Aung San Suu Kyi led Myanmar’s delegation to defend the military against genocide accusations related to the Rohingya crisis at the International Court of Justice.
Ultranationalist Buddhist groups, like Ma Ba Tha, have been vocal in supporting the military’s narratives of protecting the religion from external and internal threats. Following the 2021 coup led by Senior Gen. Min Aung Hlaing, the influential Ma Ba Tha monk, Sitagu, a Supreme Buddhist Monk Committee member, backed and praised the general as a hero of Buddhism. Militant monks like Warthawa and Pauk Ko Taw are also leading violent pro-junta militias to advance Ma Ba Tha’s nationalist agenda.
State-owned newspapers and television channels regularly report on Min Aung Hlaing and his inner circle donating to monks, building monasteries, and erecting Buddha statues. As part of these efforts, he inaugurated the world’s largest sitting Buddha statue in the military-dominated capital of Naypyidaw. These actions reflect the military’s ongoing strategy to gain legitimacy through religious symbolism – i.e. “Saffron Washing.”
However, the rise of ultranationalist movements declined significantly after the coup, particularly among Generation Z, as this new generation embraced diversity.
This year, cracks have emerged, with a prominent monk Pauk Ko Taw, part of Ma Ba Tha, openly criticizing Min Aung Hlaing in January. In June, military forces shot and killed a 78-year-old monk, Bhaddanta Munindarbhivamsa – a Buddhist leader who had spoken against the coup. The military tried to pin the killing on resistance forces before a fellow monk and eyewitness to the killing told the true story. Min Aung Hlaing was forced to backtrack and publicly apologize for the murder.
In conclusion, the Myanmar military has consistently exploited Buddhism to strengthen its political power, using religious symbolism and aligning with nationalist monks to maintain control. “Saffron Washing” has been a critical part of the military’s strategy to legitimize its actions despite growing opposition. However, the rise of Generation Z, with its embrace of diversity, signals a shift away from the military’s religious manipulation in the future.