In more than 50 years of independence, Bangladesh’s political dynamics have not followed a consistent trajectory. The nation has seen the assassination of presidents and military rule; it has experienced presidential governmental systems and shifted to parliamentary frameworks.
One of the key inspirations for Bangladesh’s independence was to establish a democratic political system. However, the country’s democratic system collapsed in 1975, just four years after independence. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman established a one-party system by banning all other political parties. In the same year he was assassinated by some rogue army members, bringing the military onto the country’s political scene.
The governance of Bangladesh then passed through various hands, eventually reaching Ziaur Rahman, a freedom fighter and sector commander during the Liberation War who was army chief at the time. Although he lifted the ban on other political parties, it cannot be claimed that a democratic journey began during his tenure. Following the assassination of Zia, also by some rogue army personnel, another army chief, Gen. H.M. Ershad, came to power and established an autocratic system.
In 1991, through a concerted effort by all parties in the country and the Urban Revolution, Bangladesh began its journey toward a parliamentary government and a true democratic system. However, in 2014, only 24 years after the beginning of this democratic process, the system faced significant setbacks, and Bangladesh transitioned into a hybrid regime. The last three national elections, in 2014, 2018, and 2024, were marred by opposition party boycotts, low voter turnout, the jailing of opposition leaders, a one-party election process, and high levels of violence. As a result, a significant portion of the electorate, particularly the younger generation – Generation Z and first-time voters – did not participate in these elections.
Background on Bangladesh’s Young Voters
According to news published during the parliamentary elections in 2008, the total number of voters in Bangladesh was 81.1 million at the time. Before the 2018 election, this number stood at 104.1 million. In the 10 years from 2008 to 2018, the number of voters aged 18-28 increased by more than 22.5 million. The Election Commission says that an average of 2.5 million young people are joining the electoral rolls every year. As of 2023, the latest count, the total number of voters in Bangladesh was around 119 million.
After the 2008 election, the three national elections held in 2014, 2018, and 2024 were questionable for various reasons. The 2014 election was boycotted by all opposition parties, including the largest, the Bangladesh Nationalist Party. With no opposition, the ruling Awami League won an overwhelming victory.
Although all political parties participated in the 2018 election, it was destined to be a victory for the ruling Awami League due to a manipulated electoral process. The 2024 national election was also a controversial poll, fraught with violence and boycotted by all the opposition.
So the last three national elections were one-sided and held amid low voter turnout and opposition boycotts. This means that huge numbers of voters in Bangladesh – anyone who was under the age of 18 as of 2008 – have never experienced a free, fair, and credible election, at either the national or local levels. These voters make up 30 percent of the total electorate, amounting to 38 million people.
With that in mind, I wanted to conduct a survey on election participation and perceptions among Bangladeshi voters aged 18-30, who came of voting age after the 2008 national elections. This research aims to explore the experiences and participation of approximately 38 million (and counting) young people in the controversial national and local elections held in Bangladesh since 2014. Their views provide a window into the country’s democratic crisis and suggestions for the future.
Sample Size and Research Methodology
This survey targeted voters aged 18-30, particularly those born between 1994 and 2005. The survey was conducted among individuals included in the Bangladesh voter list during at least one of the last three national elections (2014, 2018, or 2024). The survey had a sample size of 100. Given the small sample size, this survey should not be viewed as representative of the entire population, but still provides useful context for understanding young Bangladeshis’ attitudes towards elections.
In Bangladesh, people living in rural and urban areas may have different political experiences, election situations, and security concerns. To ensure inclusivity and representation of these different backgrounds, 51 percent of the sample was selected from urban areas and 49 percent from rural areas.
The respondents consisted of 79 percent men and 21 percent women. Gender can also impact one’s security to participate in elections and the likelihood of being a victim of violence or intimidation.
This research is not only quantitative but also qualitative, making it a mixed-method study. In the survey, both single-answer questions and open-ended questions were included to allow respondents to elaborate on their experiences. Respondents had the opportunity to express their opinions and were not required to answer questions.
In the open-ended questions, where different answers and experiences could be gathered, the responses were analyzed using qualitative analysis methods.
The survey consisted of 12 questions, covering topics such as the respondents’ age, geographical location, and gender identity. Two main focus questions were included in the survey: whether the respondents had voted in any national or local elections after becoming eligible voters.
National Election Experience
In the first question, when asked if they voted in any national election after 2008, 75 percent of respondents said no. Just 25 percent of respondents said they voted in at least one election in 2014, 2018, and/or 2024.
Seventy-five percent of youth ultimately did not vote – but that does not mean they did not try. Among the respondents, 58 percent said they attempted to cast their vote. However, nearly 59 percent of these were forced to return without voting due to violence or electoral interference. This resulted in a non-voting percentage of 75 percent, with only 25 percent successfully casting their vote.
Of those voters who tried to vote but were ultimately unsuccessful, I asked them to share their experiences through an open-ended question. Out of the respondents, 44 agreed to share their experiences of electoral malpractice either at the voting center or on their way there.
More than half of the young Bangladeshis who attempted to vote post-2008 faced various forms of violence and were unable to cast a ballot for their preferred candidate. Of those, only 24 percent of people chose not to go to the voting center at all after learning about the violence and other forms of electoral interference. Among the others, 24 percent were eyewitnesses to election malpractice, 19 percent were pressured by ruling party workers to vote for them and left without voting, 19 percent witnessed violence on their way to the voting center, and 9 percent were direct victims of violence.
Local Election Experience
The second main question asked if they had voted in local elections after 2008. Sixty-nine percent of respondents said no, while 31 percent said they voted in at least one local election after 2008, either in a city or village.
Additionally, among those who attempted to vote, 55 percent encountered electoral interference. However, only 28 respondents agreed to share their experiences or explain why they did not vote. Their experiences included witnessing a voting center being occupied by a candidate supported by the ruling party, which created a situation where they could not cast their vote. Some reported that their family members were direct victims of violence, while others saw ruling party workers tampering with the ballot box. Several were forced to vote for a particular candidate and then left without voting, while others witnessed fake votes being cast.
If we compare the experiences of national and local elections in the country, we find that while 75 percent of youth did not vote in the national election, that figure dropped to 69 percent in local elections. Thus there was slightly higher voter participation among young Bangladeshis in local polls compared to national elections. Since local election dynamics are not directly linked to the central power structure, many people perceive them to be less violent compared to national elections.
However, in Bangladesh, when the Election Commission allowed parties to participate in local elections using the party signs, local elections also became politicized and violent. Consequently, 59 percent of attempted voters faced interference, including violence, in the national election, while 55 percent faced voter interference in the local election. The types of election interference, such as ballot box robbery, fake voting, and occupation of centers by ruling party workers, are similar in both elections.
A Crisis of Democracy in Bangladesh
To ensure free, fair, credible, and participatory elections, Bangladesh adopted the 13th amendment to the constitution in 1996, which included provisions for a caretaker government. However, the 15th amendment passed in 2011 abolished the caretaker government system. In the absence of opposition, the 15th amendment was passed in Parliament in a single day, marking the beginning of the crisis regarding free and fair elections in Bangladesh.
Since the 2008 election – the last to be conducted under the caretaker system – both national and local elections in Bangladesh have been marred by violence and low voter turnout. Respondents in the survey were asked if they believed it was possible to have free, fair, credible, and participatory elections under the current government system. Eighty-three percent of respondents stated that it was not possible to conduct such elections under the current system. In an open-ended question, respondents were asked to provide their suggestions to address this issue.
Of the 65 respondents who agreed to share their suggestions, 52 stated that there is a possibility of having free, fair, and credible national elections in Bangladesh under an independent, neutral caretaker government. Four respondents suggested a national government involving major political parties with a neutral head of government during the election period. Four other respondents suggested that proper application of the law and a strong, independent, and neutral administration could ensure a free and fair election. Three respondents suggested an election process under the initiative of the United Nations and the Bangladesh Army. Two respondents stated that changing the head of government during the election could lead to a free and fair poll.
By far, then, respondents favored the return of an independent, neutral caretaker government to ensure free, fair, and credible elections in Bangladesh.
In Bangladesh, despite a significant increase in the number of young voters since 2008, a large portion of them has never experienced a free, fair, and credible election. This research indicates that voters in both national and local elections have faced violence and intimidation, leading to low voter turnout and disenfranchisement among the youth.
To address this issue, Bangladesh should reform its electoral process to ensure a more inclusive and participatory democratic system. A majority of the young Bangladeshis who participated in this survey suggested forming an independent, neutral caretaker government or a national government involving major political parties with a neutral head during the election period.
Given that 30 percent of voters in Bangladesh are youth and 75 percent of them have never participated in any national election, this presents a very alarming situation for the democratic landscape. Therefore, when the interim government makes preparations for the upcoming election – the first in the post-Hasina era – it is crucial to ensure a free and fair process that encourages people to participate in voting and fosters familiarity with the democratic practices of the country.