Within the first three weeks of the mass protests against a quota system in government jobs that swept Bangladesh in July 2024, Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina’s violent crackdown had claimed the lives of over 300 protesters. As anger against the government bubbled over, Nahid Islam, a key leader of the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement, called for Hasina’s resignation on August 3. What began as a protest against quotas had swiftly transitioned to a movement pushing for the ouster of the Awami League government. On August 5, Hasina submitted her resignation, her government collapsed, and she fled the country. An interim government led by Nobel laureate Muhammad Yunus was set up on August 8, with Nahid appointed as the Information Ministry adviser.
After serving in the interim government for nearly seven months, Nahid resigned on February 25 and three days later, launched the National Citizen Party (NCP), a student-led political party founded by activists from the July Uprising.
His political journey began a few years ago as a student activist at the University of Dhaka. He went on to emerge as one of the key leaders of the July Uprising and faced significant repression from law enforcement agencies. After a stint in the interim government, Nahid has returned to party politics. His new party is drawing support from people seeking an alternative to traditional politics. In an interview with The Diplomat’s Bangladesh correspondent, Saqlain Rizve, Nahid shares his views on the challenges ahead for his new party, elections, and the participation of the Awami League.
You have transitioned from activism to government, and then back to politics and activism again. What has been your experience?
Seeing a government from both outside and inside is a vastly different experience. When the interim government took charge, it was a particularly challenging period for Bangladesh, making it an intense and demanding experience for me. I resigned and entered mainstream politics in response to the demands of the time. Now, I can use this experience to shape my future political journey, especially as the road ahead looks tough. Launching a political party is a new challenge for me, but I am prepared to traverse it.
How much reform were you able to bring during your stint in the interim government?
We have taken several key initiatives during my short tenure. We revised the internet infrastructure layers, prepared a reform roadmap for the ICT department, and addressed various laws that imposed censorship to ensure better information flow. While the full impact of these reforms may not be immediately visible, I am confident that they will bring long-term benefits to the country.
What’s your plan for the NCP? Will it be a right-wing or left-wing party?
Neither. The NCP is a centrist political party, and we are committed to maintaining this ideology. Our goal is to create space for new voices, particularly young people and individuals from all social classes, who have been excluded from traditional politics for years.
We aim to establish a Second Republic through the setting up of a Constituent Assembly, through which we seek to introduce a new Constitution and restructure the country’s power dynamics. We are actively exploring ideas and gathering input to shape our vision further.
Many are saying that the NCP is the “King’s Party” and is receiving special benefits from the government. Is this true?
If the NCP were a “King’s Party,” why would I have resigned from the government? I could have stayed, used my position, and done politics from within.
We are not receiving any special benefits from the government — only motivation and recognition from the government and political parties due to our role in the uprising. Moreover, the interim government is not a one-party government. It includes people from diverse ideological backgrounds. As a result, every party receives the same treatment from the government.
Is the NCP close to the Jamaat-e-Islami (JI)? Their demands seem to align. There are apprehensions that the NCP will contribute to increasing radicalism in Bangladesh.
The Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), JI, and NCP — we all demand a trial of Awami League leaders. Does that mean we are the same or close to each other? Not at all. If that were the case, we would have formed a coalition.
The NCP and JI are completely different parties with distinct agendas, and there is no connection between us. JI is not close to us. Some of our demands may overlap, for example, we prioritize reforms first, the establishment of a Constituent Assembly, and broader structural changes. But the claim that we are aligned on radicalism is an attempt to establish a false narrative. For example, some have labeled the July Uprising as a terrorist movement, which is entirely misleading.
When do you want the general elections to be held?
Our focus is on getting culprits from the previous regime put on trial, ensuring a stable law and order situation in the country, and setting up a Constituent Assembly. We are in favor of reforming the constitution and the electoral system so that a fascist regime cannot emerge again. Therefore, an election is not our immediate priority. We are not at present setting a specific timeline for the election.
What are the challenges that lie ahead for your new party?
First, there are many well-established political parties in Bangladesh. This will make it difficult for us to compete with them, especially with limited time before the election. While the exact date is uncertain, the interim government’s Chief Adviser Muhammad Yunus has indicated it may take place either at the end of 2025 or in the middle of 2026.
Second, reaching out to the grassroots level is another major challenge. Village politics operates differently from campus and urban politics and requires a different approach. We are going to start our campaign outside Dhaka next month.
Moreover, this is a difficult time for the country, so we must also focus on activism to pressure the government in line with the people’s demands. Additionally, maintaining political activities amidst the country’s law and order situation will be a significant challenge.
Are private university students getting equal opportunities in the party?
Yes. Unlike in the past, private university students too are showing more interest in politics. They played a significant role in the uprising. Our party provides equal opportunities and responsibilities for everyone, ensuring an inclusive political space for all.
What kind of Second Republic does the NCP envision?
Our primary demand for the Second Republic is a new constitution, which requires the establishment of a Constituent Assembly. This constitution should be rooted in the spirit of the 1971 Liberation War and the July Uprising, and we advocate for a balanced power system and an independent judiciary, including the removal of unlimited powers in the Prime Minister’s Office.
What is the NCP’s stance on Bangladesh’s diplomacy? Will the party align with country-centric politics?
First and foremost, we want Bangladesh to pursue a balanced and beneficial diplomatic approach, free from the dominance of any foreign power. In the past, we saw regimes heavily dependent on Delhi’s influence. However, we will not allow Bangladesh’s politics to be centered around either India or Pakistan. The NCP will remain solely Bangladesh-centric, prioritizing national interests above all.
Will your party allow the AL to participate in politics and the next election?
No, we do not want the Awami League to participate in the elections. First, those within the party who are responsible for wrongdoing must be put on trial.
Are any of the existing parties a threat to the NCP’s politics?
No.
A gay rights activist was removed from the NCP leadership just days after the party’s launch due to pressure from Muslim-majority right-wing groups. How does the NCP reconcile this with its claim of inclusivity?
We believe in inclusivity, but we must also consider the religious and cultural sensitivities of our society. That is why we had to make this decision to remove him. However, we remain committed to diversity and have an admirable track record in ensuring representation across various communities.
Women played a major role in the July Uprising. It was believed that this would lead to women enjoying greater safety and freedom across the country. However, violence and moral policing against women have been rising in recent months. As one of the Uprising’s leaders, how do you explain this?
It is truly disheartening that violence against women has increased. Beyond that, deep-rooted social stigmas continue to hold women back from participating in many aspects of society. Amid a political vacuum, chaos has escalated in Bangladesh. The collapse of the police force on August 5 has further weakened law enforcement, creating a situation where such violence persists unchecked.
The government has introduced some measures, and we will have to see whether they are effective. Personally, and as a party, we are ready to collaborate with the government to address the problem of law enforcement.