Trump China policy

Donald Trump, like every other president, has his own policies and priorities. Unlike presidents before him, Trump is not worried about hurting Beijing’s feelings in the process.

China has not emerged as a key issue in this campaign cycle, due to both policy convergence and a focus on domestic issues.

Looking at key advisers to Harris and Trump may help reveal differences in their approaches to China.

U.S. determination to stem China’s AI development will continue regardless of the incoming leadership, but a Democratic administration could be more effective in rallying international allies.

To the extent that there is a China debate, the focus has been largely misplaced.

It seems unlikely Trump 2.0 would upend security structures in the region. In trade and commerce, however, Trump's potential return has Asian officials and observers hugely worried. 

Three points of friction could emerge over policy toward North Korea, host-nation support, and China policy.

The Biden administration's restrictions can be said to have shifted from “small yard, high fence” to “large yard, low fence.”

While there are important similarities between the Biden and Trump approaches toward China, there are also stark and meaningful differences.

For the Chinese strategic community, there’s no perception of Biden or Trump being better for China; it’s a matter of who is less detrimental.

Rhetorically, the two presidential candidates hit many of the same notes. But in practice they have approached competition with China very differently.

Even if Trump could somehow weather the economic repercussions of another trade war, the broader political consequences for the Republican Party would likely be insurmountable.