India-Russia relations

New Delhi will be among the few capitals to host the Russian president since the ICC issued an arrest warrant for him.

Despite a Western consensus on engaging New Delhi, the reality is there is a growing trans-Atlantic split on India.

At least 12 Indian men have died fighting for the Russian army in Ukraine. In interviews, Indians share their stories of recruitment, fighting, and – in some cases – a lucky escape back home.

Constraining India’s foreign policy choices will be seen as disregard for its sovereignty and provoke ire.

The past month has seen definite progress in New Delhi’s relations with Moscow. That trend is set to continue into 2025, with the Russian leader's first post-COVID visit to India.

Donald Trump and Kamala Harris differ considerably on foreign policy, but neither is likely to lead a significant enhancement of the India-U.S. strategic relationship.

Thus far, India’s strategy appears to be a reactionary stance focused more on countering China than on responding to the specific dynamics of the Arctic region.

Indian policymakers have aimed to take advantage of the significant strategic and economic opportunities arising from the rivalries and competition between the U.S. and China, as well as the U.S. and Russia.

India’s growing relationship with Russia impacts China, but Russia gains more than India does.

After a two-year hiatus, the India-Russia annual summit convened with renewed vigor.

India has avoided condemning Russia while emphasizing the need for a peaceful settlement to the conflict. 

India does not lack potential, but on both the geopolitical and geoeconomic fronts it has yet to seize the moment.

The likely return of Trump as U.S. president is expected to reduce American support for Ukraine. Modi could be eyeing a peacemaker’s role in that conflict.

The exploitation of Indian workers in Russia highlights the need for a proactive approach by the Indian government to uphold the rights and ensure the safety of its citizens abroad.

Ukraine's foreign minister visited India a week after Prime Minister Narendra Modi spoke to Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy and Russian President Vladmir Putin.

The West expected India to turn its back on Russia, but a look at the numbers shows that expectation was never realistic.

The uncertainty and possible further disruptions in the defense supply chain out of Russia could accelerate India’s diversification and indigenization efforts. 

Over the past two years, India was wary of being perceived as aligned with an isolated Russia. That changed during Foreign Minister Jaishankar’s visit to Moscow.

Even as New Delhi seeks diversification in its defense relationships, and deepening ties with the West, India’s neutral position on the war in Ukraine is consistent and unlikely to change.

The Indian opposition is unlikely to change New Delhi’s approach to Russia if it comes to power.

India dabbles in opposing camps, for example, engaging in simultaneous military exercises with both the U.S. and Russia in an effort to balance its strategic interests. 

It would force Indian dependence on the United States for diplomatic and military support, which New Delhi would like to avoid.

What connects vaccine diplomacy to the Russian crude oil issue? Private Indian firms.

Ukraine is not a G-20 member, but President Volodymyr Zelenskyy was invited to participate in last year's G-20 summit in Bali, Indonesia.