China coronavirus

Ultimately, the choice was Xi's, but his colleagues on the Standing Committee of the Politburo wield extraordinary power, collectively and individually.

Current discussions often highlight the role of the vocal protests in late November in shifting China's COVID zero policy. But the shift had already begun in early November. 

Changes in China's anti-virus controls may be a step toward lifting controls, but "zero COVID" might stay in place until as late as the second half of next year.

As is often the case with China's draconian "zero-COVID" policy, the measures seemed out of proportion to the number of cases detected.

The response to COVID-19 contrasts with the CCP’s reaction to previous health crises, when the approach was to downplay the extent of the virus.

Past precedent suggests the Chinese leader is willing to deprioritize growth to focus on more urgent goals, but only as long as he is supported by a sufficient economic cushion.

Amid the country’s worst outbreak yet, China is trying to fine-tune its “zero-COVID” approach.

The growing lockdowns in response to the Omicron outbreak raise the threat of trade disruptions.

While mainland China's case numbers are small compared to many other countries, they are the highest since the pandemic began.

With the Games nearly halfway done, China is meeting its formidable Olympics challenge: welcoming 15,000 visitors without giving up on its “zero-COVID” strategy.

Zero-COVID was never only about the successful suppression of the virus; it was also meant to be living proof of a superior system of governance.