CSTO

The recent controversy surrounding CSTO General Secretary Imangali Tasmagambetov reveals the instability of the organization’s relationship with Kazakhstan.

Russia finds itself increasingly isolated in its conflict in Ukraine, with its allies, both within and outside the CSTO extending neither military nor political support.

With Yerevan’s relationship with the alliance “frozen” and repeated statements of intent to leave entirely, it’s no surprise Armenia is missing upcoming military exercises with the bloc.

Security cooperation strengthens regionalism in Central Asia, but may also revive old competition.

Not so fast. Rather than grow, Moscow’s military bloc is poised to shrink. 

The foreign ministers of the CSTO, of which Russia is a member, without apparent irony put out a statement that says “no state should ensure its security at the expense of the security of other states.”

Growing divisions within the CSTO -- over Ukraine, Afghanistan, and various internal disputes -- may have serious implications for the region’s security architecture.

Days after Kyrgyz President Japarov skipped Russian President Putin's birthday (and an informal CIS summit), Bishkek cancelled planned CSTO exercises at the last minute.

After Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, its role as a security guarantor for Central Asia and the Caucasus is in serious doubt.

In a recent interview, the Kazakh president again pushed back against those in Russia who say Moscow "saved" Kazakhstan in January.

A great deal depends on how Kazakhstan recovers from the disorder and orients itself toward the changing international security terrain.

The Russian-led CSTO military bloc has faced a critical test in the region.

Tashkent reiterated its anti-CSTO sentiments and says it can independently control domestic issues if needed. 

Protests over gas prices have quickly spiraled into nationwide unrest, resulting in the first-ever intervention by the CSTO in one of its member states.

In supporting the CSTO intervention today in Kazakhstan, Kyrgyz President Sadyr Japarov is perhaps hoping to secure similar CSTO support for himself in the future. 

For the first time since its 1994 founding, the CSTO has agreed to deploy forces to a member state.

By virtue of geography, Dushanbe is a critical actor in the international community’s ongoing engagement with Afghanistan.

Putin is warning of “militants under the guise of refugees” in an effort to dissuade Central Asian states from cooperating with U.S. evacuation efforts.

The Taliban’s recent lightning offensive in northern Afghanistan may be a litmus test for the relevance of the Russian-led Collective Security Treaty Organization.

With Afghan forces fleeing into Tajikistan and the Taliban managing a border crossing, Dushanbe has reportedly called on its CSTO partners for aid.

Another diplomatic win for Russian bilateralism or a missed opportunity for one of Moscow’s regional multilateral institutions -- the Collective Security Treaty Organization?

What is Russia trying to accomplish with the CSTO, SCO, and EAEU?

The CSTO gathered in Bishkek and then the Central Asian presidents met in Tashkent this week.

It's a he-said, he-said situation but the meaning is clear: All is not well in the CSTO