India-US Relations

No mention was made of a possible sanctions waiver for India’s development of Iran’s Chabahar port, which India secured from the U.S. during Trump 1.0.

India could agree to purchase high-end U.S. vehicles and military aircraft in addition to stepping up nuclear energy collaboration.

It may not derail relations with the U.S., but if New Delhi fails to launch a domestic investigation, it will damage India's credibility as a reliable partner.

The timing of the U.S. scrutiny of top Indian officials is important. It came even as India’s rising role in Quad was evident at the Delaware summit.

There may be some upbraiding of the Modi government on human rights issues, but ultimately, India-U.S. relations will likely continue as usual.

While India was uneasy about fully adopting the old Washington consensus in the 1980s, Delhi has embraced the new consensus, engaging in initiatives and collaborations that ensure reduced dependency on China.

The Western personalized approach of building rapport with Modi to secure India’s strategic cooperation will have to change.

Regardless of generation, Indian Americans are more likely to be liberal on issues in the U.S. and conservative on matters affecting India.

Over the past two years, India was wary of being perceived as aligned with an isolated Russia. That changed during Foreign Minister Jaishankar’s visit to Moscow.

Washington should not avoid honest discussions with India on differences for fear of souring ties.

With India under Modi taking an illiberal turn, analysts in Washington are calling for a transactional, security-focused partnership with India, bereft of shared values.

As the war drags on, New Delhi is unlikely to swim against the tide and align with Washington.