India-US Relations

No mention was made of a possible sanctions waiver for India’s development of Iran’s Chabahar port, which India secured from the U.S. during Trump 1.0.

India could agree to purchase high-end U.S. vehicles and military aircraft in addition to stepping up nuclear energy collaboration.

It may not derail relations with the U.S., but if New Delhi fails to launch a domestic investigation, it will damage India's credibility as a reliable partner.

The timing of the U.S. scrutiny of top Indian officials is important. It came even as India’s rising role in Quad was evident at the Delaware summit.

There may be some upbraiding of the Modi government on human rights issues, but ultimately, India-U.S. relations will likely continue as usual.

While India was uneasy about fully adopting the old Washington consensus in the 1980s, Delhi has embraced the new consensus, engaging in initiatives and collaborations that ensure reduced dependency on China.

The Western personalized approach of building rapport with Modi to secure India’s strategic cooperation will have to change.

Regardless of generation, Indian Americans are more likely to be liberal on issues in the U.S. and conservative on matters affecting India.

Over the past two years, India was wary of being perceived as aligned with an isolated Russia. That changed during Foreign Minister Jaishankar’s visit to Moscow.

Washington should not avoid honest discussions with India on differences for fear of souring ties.

With India under Modi taking an illiberal turn, analysts in Washington are calling for a transactional, security-focused partnership with India, bereft of shared values.

As the war drags on, New Delhi is unlikely to swim against the tide and align with Washington.

India is a partner against China, but the rationale for countering China is precisely that Beijing engages in the sort of activities which the Canadian PM has accused India of undertaking.

The two leaders are poles apart ideologically, but are drawn together by China's military and economic maneuverings in the Indo-Pacific.

At the bilateral level, its friends are happy to sell it arms but it is yet unable to make its interests the world’s interests in global forums.

As a middle power with a presence in the Indian Ocean, France has the right mix of strengths and weaknesses to be India's priority defense partner.

It would force Indian dependence on the United States for diplomatic and military support, which New Delhi would like to avoid.

Predictions of the demise of Indian democracy by American media and activists are exaggerated and reflect a narrow understanding of India’s history and complexity.

The end of shared values and a shift to a more transactional relationship have several implications for both countries.

The U.S. President sees ties with India as vital to tackling challenges emanating from climate change, disruptions related to AI, and a rising China.

When Modi goes to Washington, the two sides are likely to sweep their problems under the carpet.

A policy that does not respect that India does not need lessons in how to run its domestic affairs could push New Delhi to close ranks with other countries against the U.S.

The two sides are looking to make the American and Indian semiconductor industries complementary rather than competitive.

Russia and China are moving toward an alliance. Does India have the means to beat China at its own game with a counter-encirclement?